The Canadian Red Ensign

The Canadian Red Ensign
Showing posts with label Theodore Beza. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Theodore Beza. Show all posts

Friday, November 21, 2025

The Theologians’ Cross

In this essay, written at the request of a colleague and former classmate, we shall be considering the subjects of election and predestination.   This is the first of three planned essays on these subjects.  This one will look at the difference between how the two main continental Protestant traditions have handled a theological dilemma that is at the heart of the predestination/free will debate and will conclude by briefly looking at how our Anglican tradition has handled the same dilemma in its Articles.  A second essay will consider divine foreknowledge and human responsibility from a broader perspective than how these apply in salvation and will look more at pre-Reformation thinking on the subject.  The third essay will be an exegetical consideration of certain relevant chapters of the New Testament.

 

The Scriptures speak of God’s people, under both Covenants, as having been chosen by Him which is the concept the word “election” denotes.  The verb προορίζω appears in various forms, six times in the New Testament.  This verb is a compound of a Greek preposition meaning “before” and a verb meaning “determine” or “ordain” and is translated by “predestinate” in the Authorized Bible in four out of the six occurrences. (1)  Election and predestination, therefore, are Scriptural concepts and so within the context of orthodox Christian theology, discussion and debate has not been over whether God’s people have been elected and predestined, (2) but over what the implications of these words are especially with regards to how they relate to the matters of divine Sovereignty and human moral responsibility or free will. 

 

“The theologians’ cross” is a translation of the Latin expression crux theologorum.  This expression is used, primarily by Lutheran theologians, to designate a problem that has plagued theologians of all Churches, denominations, and stripes.  The problem is cur alii, alii non, or “why some, not others?” that is, “why are some saved, not others?”  Within the Reformed tradition, that is, the branch of Protestantism that began in Zurich, Switzerland with Ulrich Zwingli at about the same time that the Lutheran tradition began in Wittenberg, Germany with Dr. Martin Luther, two opposite answers to this question have been given.  Calvinism, which takes its name from John Calvin whose became the leader of the Reformation at Geneva about half a decade after Zwingli’s death, says that the answer is the eternal decree of God.  God, before the creation of the world, decided that He would save such-and-such individuals and that He would leave others to suffer damnation, and in both cases His decision was based solely on its pleasing His will so to do and not on anything in either the elect or the reprobate themselves that distinguished the one group from the other.  Arminianism, on the other hand, which began in the generation after Calvin with Jacob Arminius, a student of Calvin’s successor Theodore Beza, says that the answer is to be found in the free will of man, that God did indeed elect and predestine some to salvation, but that this was based on His foreknowledge of who would out of their own free will believe the Gospel and who would not.  Today, an increasing number of theologians can be found willing to answer the question by denying the distinction, despite the sacrifice of orthodoxy involved in doing so. (3)

 

By contrast with both the Calvinist and Arminian sides of the Reformed tradition and the non-orthodox contemporary universalists, the Lutherans who named the problem have also taken the position that it has no answer, or at least no answer that can be known to us in this life.  The Lutherans insist that there are two truths that must be affirmed simultaneously, the universality of God’s saving grace and that salvation is by grace alone.  The crux theologorum arises because by natural human reasoning, these truths taken together ought to add up to universalism and yet they do not.  The Calvinist answer to the dilemma amounts to a denial of universal grace, the Arminian to a denial of grace alone. (4)   The Lutherans maintain, against both sides of the Reformed tradition, that universal grace and grace alone can be affirmed together, because God gives His grace through means, specifically the means of the Gospel in its three modes of Word, baptism, and Communion, and that when God works through means His will is resistible.  Therefore, salvation is entirely the work of God which He completed for the whole world in Jesus Christ and the grace (state of being in favour) thereby purchased He gives to all as a free gift along with the faith which is the appointed means whereby we receive it in the Gospel, but because of the intermediate nature of the communication of grace, we are capable of resisting it and it is our natural inclination in our fallen condition to do so.  God, in the grace He gives through the Gospel, is the sole cause of salvation in those who receive it by faith, man, resisting that grace out of the perverse inclination of his fallen will, is solely responsible for his own damnation in the case of those who are finally and incurably impenitent.  The saved, are not saved because of anything in themselves (even a lesser resistance) that makes them differ from the lost, nor are the damned, damned because God loves them less or has made lesser provision for their salvation, than the saved.  There is, therefore, no answer to the question of what makes the one differ from the other, and this should be treated as a mystery.

 

The Lutheran position on this has much to commend it.  Some questions don’t need answering and given the problems with any answer that has been put forward to this one, leaving it as a mystery is the best option.  A sedes doctrinae can be found for this position in Deuteronomy 29:29 which reads “The secret things belong unto the Lord our God: but those things which are revealed belong unto us and to our children for ever, that we may do all the words of this law.”  The precise doctrine that sparked the Calvinist-Arminian controversy within the Reformed tradition is the classic example of what can happen if theologians ignore this verse and pry into the secret things that God reserves for Himself.

 

John Calvin’s career as a Reformer spanned about three decades from the first edition of his Institutes of the Christian Religion in 1536 until his death in 1564.  While predestination was not as important in his own theology as it would become in the theology of those who call their view by his name, he did teach a strong double predestination, in which the reprobation of the lost is as much a positive decree based entirely on the pleasure of God’s will as the election of the saved. (5) Jacob Arminius, who was born in 1560 a few years before Calvin’s death, was a protégé of Theodore Beza, Calvin’s successor as chief pastor of Geneva.  Beza’s principal theological contribution to the development of Calvinist theology was the doctrine of supralapsarianism.  Supralapsarianism is a doctrine about the order of God’s decrees.  It asserts that God’s decree to save some and damn others, logically but not temporally (because these decrees are from eternity which is outside of time) precedes His decree to create mankind and allow him to fall into sin.  If anything warrants being described as a secret thing belonging unto the Lord our God and hence not to us, it is the order of God’s eternal decrees.  The effect, however, of the doctrine of supralapsarianism is to say that God created people and allowed them to fall into sin in order that He might damn them and have grounds  on which so to do. 

 

Arminius, shortly after being made pastor in Amsterdam in 1587, was tasked by that city’s Ecclesiastical Court with rebutting the anti-Calvinist arguments of one Dirck Coornhert.  Later, after he had become a professor at his alma mater Leiden University in 1603, he became embroiled in a controversy with a senior member of the faculty of theology Franciscus Gomarus that would last the rest of his life.  In both cases, supralapsarianism was at the heart of the controversy.  Arminius had been asked to defend this doctrine against both Coornhert’s attacks and the proposed alternative of infralapsarianism (in which the decree to save and damn, presupposes the fall of man).  Arminius had concluded, however, that the doctrine he was asked to defend was indefensible, and by the time of his falling out with Gomarus at Leiden, he had come to see infralapsarianism as afflicted with many of the same problems as supralapsarianism.  As a consequence, he adopted a modified doctrine of predestination in which election is based on foresight of a positive response to the Gospel. 

 

In 1610, the year after Arminius’ death, his students submitted a protest against the strict predestinarianism of the Dutch Reformed Church.  The protest was entitled the Remonstrance, and consisted of five articles which have since been collectively called Arminianism although not all of them were spelled out in Arminius’ own teachings.  These are conditional election, unlimited atonement, total depravity (that fallen man is lost and sin from which he cannot extract himself but is utterly dependent on the grace of God – Arminians are no Pelagians), prevenient grace (like the Lutheran view of grace but unlike Calvin’s, Arminian prevenient grace is resistible, but unlike the Lutheran view it works by restoring the will’s ability to choose God so that the believer cooperates, although only after grace, in his own conversion), and a questioning of the guarantee of perseverance that soon hardened into the positive affirmation of the possibility of the believer’s apostasy that in wider evangelical circles today is the first if not the only thing the word “Arminian” summons to mind.  The Dutch government sat on the Remonstrance for a surprisingly long time, and in 1618 summoned representatives of the Reformed Churches to meet at Dordrecht to address the matter in what was intended to be the Reformed equivalent of a General Council.   The Synod of Dort met from late 1618 until spring of 1619 and published five canons in response to the Remonstrance.   These are what have ever since been known as the Five Points of Calvinism, for which the acronym TULIP was early coined – Total Depravity, Unconditional Election, Limited Atonement, Irresistible Grace, Perseverance of the Saints. (6)   

 

This intra-Reformed schism, therefore, and its polarized theological positions, are a direct result of the Reformed tradition’s unwillingness to leave the crux theologorum unanswered and to leave to God the “secret things” that are His. This is a specific example of a general reluctance in practice to acknowledge mysteries that are beyond the explanatory capacity of human reasoning that also manifests itself with regards to other facets of the predestination-free will debate.  This reluctance helps explain the rise of Modern rationalism but is itself somewhat of a mystery in that one would expect a tradition that places such an emphasis on the gap between Sovereign Creator and fallen creature to be more willing than others to acknowledge mysteries beyond its understanding rather than less.  A partial explanation is the influence of Renaissance humanism on the Reformed tradition.  While Renaissance humanism in general, and that of Erasmus in particular, influenced both Dr. Luther and the Reformed tradition, the influence was greater in the Reformed tradition.   Note, however, that this does not mean that the strong predestinarianism of the Reformed tradition came from Erasmus.  Dr. Luther and Erasmus had a famous falling out in 1524-1525 precisely over this matter.  In 1524, Erasmus had published his treatise On the Freedom of the Will which argued for the capacity of the human will to respond positively to grace, and in the following year Dr. Luther had responded with his On the Bondage of the Will which, as the title would suggest, argued that the human will since the Fall has been bound in chains by sin and cannot respond positively to grace until freed to do so by grace itself.  It was more humanism’s general influence that led to the proto-rationalism of the Reformed tradition.   This should not be taken as entirely a negative thing.  In the Institutes of the Christian Religion, John Calvin wrote the single most important contribution to systematic theology since St. Thomas Aquinas’ Summa Theologica and this too can be largely attributed to the same influence.

 

Where the humanist influence on the Reformed tradition can be most seen to impact its approach to the crux theologorum has to do with the means of grace, especially the Sacraments.  In the broader Christian tradition, the expression “means of grace” refers to channels through which God distributes grace to people.   Protestantism takes a narrower view of this concept than other Christian traditions, limiting the grace distributed through the means to saving grace.  This is part of the reason why Protestants generally limit the Sacraments to two (baptism and the Lord’s Supper) or three (if absolution is included), although, as I recently discussed at length, (7) our Anglican Church has the best position on the matter by affirming baptism and the Lord’s Supper as Gospel Sacraments through which saving grace is distributed, without dogmatically rejecting the others affirmed by the broader Christian tradition as being Sacraments in a more general sense.   The Lutherans, helpfully distinguish between two kinds of means of grace, the organa dotika (means of giving, Word and Sacraments) and the organon leptikon (means of receiving, faith).  While the Reformed tradition uses the expression “means of grace” for Word and Sacrament (the Westminster Confession of Faith also names prayer), in their theology only the Word is a means of grace in the sense of an instrument God uses to give saving grace and faith. 

 

In the Heidelberg Catechism, Question 65 is “It is through faith alone that we share in Christ and all his benefits: where then does that faith come from?”  The answer is “The Holy Spirit produces it in our hearts by the preaching of the holy gospel, and confirms it by the use of the holy sacraments.” (8)  Note the distinction.  “Confirm” here is used in its original sense of “strengthen” rather than “verify” but since faith’s reception of grace is in no way dependent on its strength this position nullifies the concept of the Sacraments as an effectual means of grace in Reformed theology.  Orthodox Lutherans argue that Reformed theology by its doctrine of immediate grace nullifies even the Word as an effectual means of grace. (9)  This is because in Reformed theology, conversion is produced by irresistible grace or the effectual call, which is distinguished from the outward call of the Gospel, and which is regarded as a work of the Holy Spirit that is entirely internal to the person on whom it has the effect.  It is the Holy Spirit in the elect, in other words, rather than the Holy Spirit in the Word, who makes the elect believe the Word by the direct exercise of His power within the elect, rather than through the instrument of the Word.

 

The idea in Reformed theology, that the Holy Spirit operates directly on the human spirit, and that the external means of grace are inappropriate tools for Him to use to accomplish His work but are at most external signs testifying to it points to something in Reformed theology that manifests itself elsewhere in Reformed theology, and that is a tendency towards a moderate neo-Gnosticism.  The original heresies to which the term Gnosticism is applied, saw the physical world and the matter of which it is composed, as irredeemably corrupt and the spirit as incorruptible and pristine.   Their idea of salvation was the liberation of the human spirit from what they regarded as its material prison.  The Gnostics derived their ideas from secular philosophy, and in particular from Plato who saw everything in the physical world as an imperfect reflection of a perfect original in the unseen world.  While Plato also clearly influenced the thinking of St. Paul, the Apostle like the orthodox Church Fathers who contended against the Gnostics, recognized both the material and the spiritual as the creation of the One God, the same God of both Covenants, Who was manifest in the flesh in the “mystery of godliness” (1 Tim. 3:16).  While the Reformed tradition’s affirmation of the Nicene Creed and the Definition of Chalcedon prevents it from being outright Gnostic, its rejection of Nicaea II, the theological argument of which, whatever one might think of the practices that the Roman and Eastern Church justify with it, are the reasonable consequences of the orthodox doctrine of the Incarnation as articulated and defended in the earlier ecumenical councils, demonstrates an uncomfortableness with regarding the material as the vehicle of the spiritual that approaches Gnosticism without quite crossing the boundary between it and Christianity.  This entered the Reformed tradition through the influence of humanistic philosophy on, especially, Zwingli, and is the reason that tradition, while retaining the language of means of grace with reference to Word and Sacrament, falls short of seeing them as the actual instruments God uses to give His grace.  This in turn is the reason why the Reformed tradition is unwilling to leave the crux theologorum as an unsolvable mystery.

 

Predestination and Election are addressed in Article XVII of our Anglican Articles of Religion.  Although it is a fairly long Article I will quote it in its entirety:

 

Predestination to Life is the everlasting purpose of God, whereby (before the foundations of the world were laid) he hath constantly decreed by his counsel secret to us, to deliver from curse and damnation those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankind, and to bring them by Christ to everlasting salvation, as vessels made to honour. Wherefore, they which be endued with so excellent a benefit of God be called according to God’s purpose by his Spirit working in due season: they through Grace obey the calling: they be justified freely: they be made sons of God by adoption: they be made like the image of his only-begotten Son Jesus Christ: they walk religiously in good works, and at length, by God’s mercy, they attain to everlasting felicity.

 

As the godly consideration of Predestination, and our Election in Christ, is full of sweet, pleasant, and unspeakable comfort to godly persons, and such as feel in themselves the working of the Spirit of Christ, mortifying the works of the flesh, and their earthly members, and drawing up their mind to high and heavenly things, as well because it doth greatly establish and confirm their faith of eternal Salvation to be enjoyed through Christ, as because it doth fervently kindle their love towards God: So, for curious and carnal persons, lacking the Spirit of Christ, to have continually before their eyes the sentence of God’s Predestination, is a most dangerous downfall, whereby the Devil doth thrust them either into desperation, or into wretchlessness of most unclean living, no less perilous than desperation.

 

Furthermore, we must receive God’ s promises in such wise, as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture: and, in our doings, that Will of God is to be followed, which we have expressly declared unto us in the Word of God.

 

Just as Article XXV on the Sacraments affirms the Protestant view of baptism and the Lord’s Supper as being unique as Sacraments of the Gospel without dogmatically rejecting the other five others affirmed by all the ancient Churches (with a partial exception of the Assyrian Church) as being Sacraments, so this Article affirms only the bare basics that all Christians should be able to affirm about predestination.  There is no mention of reprobation or even of preterition or any other predestination other than predestination to life.  It speaks of those so predestined as “chosen in Christ out of mankind” without commenting on whether that election is based on foresight or unconditional.   Although this Article was written before Jacob Arminius was born – it is a slightly shorter, but substantially the same version of what Archbishop Cranmer had written in the Forty-Two Articles of 1553 – there is nothing in this that Arminians cannot affirm. (10)  Nor is there anything in it that Calvinists cannot affirm, although their attempt in the late Elizabethan period to have the more explicitly Calvinist Lambeth Articles passed demonstrates that this Article did not impose their interpretation to the extent they would have liked (11).  It is more Lutheran than either Calvinist or Arminian, however, belonging to the section of the Articles immediately following the first section (Articles I-VIII) which affirms the most important Christian truths, the Catholic truths.  This section (Articles IX to XVIII) could be described as the “Augustinian” section of the Articles, and in it Archbishop Cranmer clearly drew his inspiration from the Lutherans as can be seen by comparing Articles IX, X, XI and XII/XIII to Articles II, XVII, IV and XX of the Augsburg Confession (and its Apology) respectively.  (12)  In the later section on Sacraments, Archbishop Cranmer was more influenced by the Reformed tradition than the Lutheran when it comes to the presence of Christ in the Lord’s Supper (his Article XXIX was much toned down in this regards in its revision into the current Article XXVIII in the reign of Elizabeth I) but his language in the last paragraph of his Article XXVI, which became the first paragraph of the current Article XXV, would seem to rule out the idea that Sacraments are merely external witnesses rather than actual instruments of communicating grace. 

 

Therefore, while the Articles do not require that Churchmen take the Lutheran position on the crux theologorum, it is the position they most direct us towards.  Many serious historical and present-day theological conflicts could have been avoided in our Church, if Churchmen had agreed to that position.

 

 

 

 

 

 (1)    When used as verbs, there is no difference in meaning between “predestinate” and “predestine”, “predestinate” being the older form of the verb which more closely corresponds to the cognate noun predestination.  Unlike “predestine”, “predestinate” is also used as an adjective, indicating that the noun it modifies has been predestined.

(2)   The question of whether God’s people are elected as individuals, i.e., Joe was elected qua Joe to be part of God’s covenant people or as a collective, i.e., the entire Church is collectively chosen to be in covenant relationship with God, is a question that arises within the boundaries of orthodoxy because it is a question about the nature of election rather than the fact of election.  Similarly, the difference between the Arminian (conditional election) and Calvinist (unconditional election) views is a difference about the grounds of election among those who hold to individual election.  The recent calling into question to varying degrees of God’s foreknowledge of the outcome of the Final Judgement by “open theists” (Richard Rice, John E. Sanders, Greg Boyd, Clark Pinnock, et al.) does not fall within the bounds of orthodoxy because it rejects the fact of election as well as classical theism and Augustinianism in the general sense in which it was accepted as orthodox against the Pelagian heresy in the early Church.

(3)   In 1987, Swiss Roman Catholic theologian Hans Urs von Balthasar, best known for his work on theological aesthetics, raised a few eyebrows with his book Dare We Hope? “That All Men Be Saved”? although the book merely raised the hypothetical possibility that all would be saved ultimately without affirming that this must be so.  More recently, David Bentley Hart, a lay Eastern Orthodox theologian who is the brother of two Anglican priests (one of whom crossed the Tiber in both directions) and a doppelganger of the late David Ogden Stiers (if you only know the actor from M*A*S*H or the revived Perry Mason movies you won’t see it, look up an image of him from Doc Hollywood or later in the period when he wore a beard), published That All Shall Be Saved: Heaven, Hell and Universal Salvation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2019).  Note the similarity between Hart’s title and von Balthasar’s and the big difference – Hart’s is an assertion, Balthasar’s was a question.  In his book, Hart declares that everyone will ultimately be saved and that to say otherwise is to make the eternal suffering of the damned the price paid for the everlasting bliss of the saved and to teach a God Who is unworthy of our faith and love.  It would be far beyond the scope of this essay to rebut his thesis which I have brought up only as an illustration of answering the crux theologorum by denying the dilemma.  For a book length rebuttal of universalism (and annihilationism) see The Other Side of the Good News: Confronting the Contemporary Challenge’s to Jesus’ Teaching on Hell (Wheaton: Victor Books, 1992) by Dr. Larry E. Dixon, who was my Greek and theology professor and faculty advisor in the 1990s.  Or, if you are looking for something more recent, try Michael J. McClymond’s two-volume The Devil’s Redemption: A New History and Interpretation of Christian Universalism (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2018).

(4)   Neither Calvinists nor Arminians necessarily accept this assessment of their views.  The Lutheran assessment of the Arminian position is based on the Arminian view of prevenient grace as enabling the will to choose to respond positively to the Gospel.  The Lutherans argue, correctly, that a positive effect on the will is the result of grace being received through faith produced by grace rather than an intervening secondary cause in producing faith.  They point out, again correctly, that faith, even in other contexts, is not a product of the will.  We say “I trust so-and-so” and “I believe such-and-such” but this is not because we choose to do so, but because so-and-so has persuaded us of his trustworthiness and such-and-such has impressed us with its truth.  With regards to the Gospel, of course, ordinary persuasion is insufficient because man in his fallen condition is disinclined to believe God, but the Holy Spirit is always present in the Gospel working to overcome this. Much of the second volume of Charles Hodge’s Systematic Theology is devoted to arguing that Calvinism does not deny the universal aspect of God’s grace.  To give but one example of how his arguments fail to persuade, however, Hodge, in his defence of the Calvinist view of the design of the Atonement – he conspicuously avoids the expression “Limited Atonement” – directs his argument against the claim that the Atonement must apply equally to everyone and in no way have a special reference to the elect.  In reality, of course, what everyone other than Calvinists find objectionable in the Calvinist doctrine, is the denial that there is provision for the salvation of those who will ultimately reject it in the Atonement.

(5)   See John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, 3.23.

(6)   The order of the canons required adjustment to produce the acronym.  In the order published, it would be ULTIP.

(7)   https://thronealtarliberty.blogspot.com/2025/10/sacraments-and-gospel-sacraments.html

(8)   Richard Hooker in the fifth volume of his Lawes of Ecclesiastical Politie had to contend with the absurd contention on the part of Elizabethan era Puritans that the Word was powerless to convert unless “preached” in the sense of exposited in a pulpit address.  Some of these objected to the reading of the Lessons (actual passages from the Scriptures) in the Church on this basis.   Ursinus and the other framers of the Heidelberg Catechism did not intend “by the preaching of the holy gospel” to be understood in this grossly ignorant manner.

(9)    “Because saving grace is particular, according to the teaching of the Calvinists, there are no means of grace for that part of mankind to which the grace of God and the merit of Christ do not extend…But neither do the Calvinists have means of grace for the elect.  Believers are expressly directed by Calvin not to ascertain their predestination from the external Word, that is, from the universal call (universalis vocation) which occurs through the outward Word (per externam praedicationem), but from the special call (specialis vocation), which consists in an inner illumination by the Holy Spirit…But according to the teaching of Calvinism this “inner illumination” is not brought about through the means of grace; it is worked immediately by the Holy Ghost.” Francis Pieper, Christian Dogmatics, Volume III (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1953), 118-122.  Pieper is, of course, a hostile witness to Calvinism, but when he goes on to quote Charles Hodge to prove this point he does not misrepresent him.  Indeed, if anything he understates his case because he elides from his quotation the following “When Christ said to the leper, ‘I will: be thou clean’, nothing intervened between his volition and the effect.  And when he put clay on the eyes of the blind man, and bade him wash in the pool of Siloam, there was nothing in the properties of the clay or of the water that cooperated in the restoration of his sight.” (This is on page 684 of the 1872 edition published by Thomas Nelson in London and Edinburgh, and in New York by Charles Scribner.  Pieper cites it as 634f.  Either he was looking at a different edition or, more likely, he or his English translator wrote a 3 for an 8).  This is sloppy thinking, and worse exegesis on Hodge’s part.  Obviously, Christ’s words expressing His will for the cleansing of the leper, intervened between His volition and the effect to bring about the latter.  In the case of the blind man, while it is true that nothing in the properties of the clay or water contributed to the restoration of his sight, this is entirely beside the point.  While Christ could have just spoken and healed the blind man like He did the leper, in this case He chose the means of mud and the pool of Siloam, and the mud and water were effective means not because of their intrinsic properties, but because He so chose to use them.

(10)                       Despite this, John Wesley removed it from his Twenty-Five Articles for Methodism.  In the century before Wesley, Bishop Andrewes, Archbishop Laud, and other Orthodox Churchman of the Jacobean and Caroline reigns were accused of “Arminianism” by the Hyper-Calvinist Puritans.  A case can be made that this accusation was no more substantial than the ridiculous accusation of popery made by the same people because the Laudians insisted that the Church follow the rubrics of the Book of Common Prayer to the letter (if you don’t see why that accusation is ridiculous you are hopeless and I will not waste my time explaining it).  See, however, Samuel D. Fornecker, Bisschop’s Bench, Contours of Arminian Conformity in the Church of England, c. 1674-1742 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022) for an account of Arminian Churchmanship of a slightly later period (Bisschop is the Dutch name of the man more commonly known as Simon Episcopius, who was the leader of the Remonstrants, Arminius’ first generation followers).  Whether their Arminianism was real or merely in the minds of their opponents, these Churchmen subscribed to the Articles of Religion.

(11)                       See my discussion of this here: https://thronealtarliberty.blogspot.com/ 2023/08/1595-anglicanism-at-crossroads.html

(12)                       Note also the wording of Article XVI.  It suggests the Lutheran rather than the Calvinist view of perseverance, although not strongly enough so that a Calvinist could not affirm the Article.

Friday, August 18, 2023

An English Rose not a Dutch TULIP

The Church of England and the other national Churches descended from her is a Reformed Catholic Church.   From the English Reformation on Anglicans have disagreed among themselves as to which word should be stressed.   High Churchmen stress the Catholic, Low Churchmen stress the Reformed.  I am a High Churchman and stress the Catholicity of the Anglican Church.   By this I do not mean that I stress what the Anglican Church has in common with the Roman Church, but what the Anglican Church shares with all the Churches organically descended from the first Church in Jerusalem - the Catholic faith confessed in the ancient Creeds especially the Nicene-Constantinopolitan, the Apostolic government and priesthood, the Gospel Sacraments, liturgical worship, and the doctrines, practices, customs and traditions that are the heritage of all Christians in all Churches.    Now Anglican High Churchmanship underwent a change in the nineteenth century due to the Oxford or Tractarian Movement of the 1830s.   The pre-Tractarian High Churchmen generally called themselves “Orthodox”, did not regard the English Reformation as a regrettable mistake, had no problem identifying as Protestant as well as Catholic, and had little to no interest in reintroducing practices jettisoned in the English Reformation, let alone new ones that Rome had introduced in the Council of Trent.   After the Oxford Movement many High Churchmen preferred the term "Anglo-Catholic", saw the English Reformation as something to be regretted, avoided the term Protestant, and introduced liturgical reforms based on Rome’s Tridentine model.   Although my own High Churchmanship is far closer to that of the older pre-Tractarian model, I don’t agree with the judgement that a certain school of Low Churchmen have been making as of late that the Oxford Movement was a disastrous betrayal of Anglicanism.   I think that despite a tendency among some of the Tractarians to embrace as Catholic what was merely Roman, the reverse error of the Hyper-Protestants who reject as Roman what is truly Catholic, the Oxford Movement was overall more for the good than otherwise.

 

In saying that the Anglican Church is Reformed Catholic I do not mean that it is a compromise between Catholicism and Protestantism, a middle ground that is neither the one nor the other, which is the image that the familiar expression via media unfortunately tends to conjure up.   The Anglican tradition is both fully Protestant and fully Catholic.   It is however a via media within both Protestantism and Catholicism.   The Anglican expression of Catholicism is not entirely that of the Roman Church nor that of the Eastern Orthodox but is somewhere between the two.   Our Episcopal hierarchical structure is closer to that of the Eastern Orthodox, for example, but we confess the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed with the filioque clause.   As a via media within Protestantism, it is often said that Anglicanism is a via media between Wittenberg and Geneva, meaning between the Lutheran and Calvinist expressions of Protestantism.   I don’t think anybody would be foolish enough to think us closer to Zurich.  


That brings me to the topic of this essay, which is another claim made by the same school of Low Churchmen referred to in the first paragraph.   In my last essay which was on the topic of Hyper-Protestantism I addressed certain similarities between this school and the Hyper-Protestants.   Here I wish to address their claim that true Anglicanism is not just Protestant generally, but Reformed in the sense of the specific form of Protestant theology that the word Reformed denotes in denominational titles such as Dutch Reformed or Reformed Baptist.   That type of theology is often called Calvinist, although this is misleading, and it is usually contrasted with Arminianism, which is even more misleading, and most misleading of all it is claimed that Arminianism is a close relative of Romanism.   Why these things are misleading will become clear when I give some background history to Reformed theology.   First, however, I clarify that what I will be arguing against is the claim that the Articles of Religion, which in their final form were adopted by the Church of England in 1571 as part of the Elizabethan Settlement, are distinctly Calvinist, not as opposed to Arminianism which did not exist in 1571, but as opposed to Lutheranism.    While this claim has some validity when it comes to the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper, it is completely false when it comes to soteriology which is where our focus will be, and is utterly laughable when it comes to any other topic.

 

Thomas Cranmer, who was consecrated and installed as Archbishop of Canterbury in 1533 during the reign of Henry VIII was the principal leader of the English Reformation until the reign of Mary in which he was removed from office and executed.   An even more conservative Reformer than Dr. Luther, at the beginning of the English Reformation he was a Christian humanist of the same type as Erasmus and his reforms took the Patristic period rather than what was going on in continental Protestantism as their model.   Over the course of his career he became more influenced by the continental Protestants, at first the German Lutherans, then towards the end of his life, the Calvinists.   When, after the brief interruption of the English Reformation during the reign of Mary, Elizabeth I acceded the throne, the English Reformation took an even more conservative turn.   In 1559 she ordered the Black Rubric excised from the Book of Common Prayer.   This had been inserted into the Order for Holy Communion in the second Edwardian Prayer Book (1552) as an attempt at compromise between Scottish Calvinist Reformer John Knox’s argument that Communion should be received sitting and Cranmer’s conservative defence of kneeling, but it ended up more radical than either Cranmer or Knox, by asserting the Zwinglian view of the Sacrament (mere memorialism).   When it was eventually re-inserted into the Prayer Book it was in the Restoration edition (1662) and with the Zwinglian language excised.   In 1563, Archbishop Matthew Parker led Convocation in revising the Forty-Two Articles of Religion that Cranmer had drafted towards the end of Edward’s reign.   After a few more tweaks they become the Thirty-Nine Articles of 1571.   The Article on the Lord’s Supper excludes both the Roman doctrine of Transubstantiation and Zwinglian memorialism.   While what it affirms sounds closer to Calvin’s view than any other continental Reformer, it needs to be compared with how the same Article read in the Forty-Two Articles.   Language that specifically excluded the Lutheran view was omitted from the final version.   That language reads:

 

Forasmuch as the truth of man’s nature requires that the body of one and the self-same man cannot be at one time in diverse places, but must needs be in some one certain place, the body of Christ cannot be present at one time in many and diverse places. Because (as Holy Scripture does teach) Christ was taken up into heaven, and there shall continue unto the end of the world, a faithful man ought not, either to believe or openly to confess the real and bodily presence (as they term it) of Christ’s flesh and blood in the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper.

 

These words explicitly state the Calvinist position and include the reasoning that is the basis of the Lutheran accusation that Calvinists are crypto-Nestorians.   They were excised from the final version that became cemented as the official Anglican doctrine in the Elizabethan Settlement.   In their place was put the following:

 

The Body of Christ is given, taken, and eaten, in the Supper, only after an heavenly and spiritual manner. And the mean whereby the Body of Christ is received and eaten in the Supper is Faith.

 

The result was that in the Thirty-Nine Articles, Article XXVIII  (it was Article XXIX in the Forty-Two Articles) either a) affirmed a milder, more watered down, version of the Calvinist doctrine or b) was deliberately made ambiguous enough to allow for both Lutheran and Calvinist interpretations and exclude only the Roman and Zwinglian.   The overall tenour of the Elizabethan Settlement, which was to minimize divisive stances so as to maintain peace in the realm and Church, and the fact that if Parker et al. wished the Article to endorse the Calvinist position over the Lutheran they could have left it unedited, suggests that b) is the correct understanding here.

 

It was during the reign of Elizabeth that a decidedly Calvinist element arose in the English Church that called for reforms that greatly exceeded those of the Settlement.   These are historically remembered as the Puritans and towards the end of Elizabeth’s reign Richard Hooker provided an Anglican answer to their arguments, especially as expressed by Thomas Cartwright, in his Lawes of Ecclesiastical Politie.   In the Jacobean and Carolinian reigns, the next generation of Puritans became more extreme both in their Calvinism and their demands.   They accused Orthodox Churchmen like Bishop Lancelot Andrewes, who oversaw the translation of the Authorized Bible in King James I’s reign, and Archbishop of Canterbury William Laud, of Arminianism for opposing their excessive preaching of predestination although it is highly unlikely that either man, both of whom tended to ignore contemporary theologians of narrow schools in favour of the Church fathers, was influenced much or at all by Jacob Arminius and his followers.   They also accused the same of being closet papists.   Here we see the first instance of this Calvinist linking of Arminianism with Romanism that has resurfaced in the contemporary school that I am addressing.   The second accusation was also ludicrous.   Andrewes, in his responses to Cardinal Bellarmine, and Laud in his published Conversation with the Jesuit Fischer, were the closest thing the Church of England had to the scholastics who had arisen in the Lutheran and Reformed Churches (think Johann Gerhard and Martin Chemnitz for the Lutherans, Zacharias Ursinus and Francis Turretin for the Reformed) to answer the new arguments from a new generation of Roman apologists such as said Cardinal Bellarmine who were armed with the re-articulation of Roman doctrine that had come out of the Council of Trent.   At any rate, the Puritans became so extreme that they, having taken control of Parliament, fought a civil war against King Charles I, captured, illegally tried, and murdered him, then established an interregnum under the protectorate of the tyrannical Oliver Cromwell who in his quest to rob the English people of all joy cancelled Christmas and Easter, shut down the theatres, outlawed games, sports, and other amusements outside of religious services on Sundays (the only day of the week people weren’t working), stripped the Churches of artwork and organs, imposed a legalism that out-Phariseed the Pharisees, and basically did everything in his power to prove H. L. Mencken right when he defined Puritanism as “the haunting fear that someone, somewhere, may be happy”.   Their revolt against their king would become the inspiration towards the end of the next century of the French Revolution which in turn became the model for all subsequent Communist revolutions.   Since the Puritanical party in Parliament became the Whigs after the Restoration and Puritanism in North America developed into the Yankee culture of New England, Puritanism can be said to be the source of the major evils of the Modern Age – liberalism, Americanism, and Communism.   Whether consciously or not, the Puritan revolt against King Charles I was itself modelled after an earlier such revolt.   As Dr. Johnson put it “the first Whig was the devil”.

 

After the Restoration, which was when the British, sick to death of Puritanism, restored Charles II to his rightful throne, and restored the Church of England to the pre-Puritan status quo, the Puritan Calvinists divided among themselves into the Nonconformists, those unwilling to accept the restored Church of England who left and formed schismatic sects, and those for whom the restored Church of England was acceptable, who became the first Low Churchmen or as they were called at the time, Evangelicals (this was one of the first, if not the first, use of this term with a narrower sense than “Protestant”).   In the eighteenth century, Arminian Low Churchmen first began to appear due to the influence of John Wesley, and these introduced a new emphasis on experience into Evangelicalism.   The embrace of strict, academic, Reformed theology by many evangelicals in the Twentieth Century is, perhaps, a reaction to what became an over-emphasis on experience in the revivalist heritage of evangelicalism, and what we are seeing in this new school of Low Church Calvinism may be the Anglican expression of this phenomenon.

 

Their claim that Anglicanism in her Articles of Religion is specifically Reformed in the sense of Calvinist is not born out by an examination of the Articles.   It is also rather anachronistic because what they mean by Reformed theology or Calvinism had not yet been formulated in the way we know it today at the time the Articles received royal assent.   This may seem a strange thing to say, since John Calvin died in 1564, but what is called Calvinism today was formulated over sixty years after his death in response to a dissenting movement that had arisen within the Reformed tradition.   Theodore Beza, Calvin’s prize pupil and his successor in Geneva, had articulated a version of the doctrine of predestination that anyone with an ounce of humanity had to reject.   Impiously inquiring into the secret counsels of God, which is arrogant and forbidden to humanity, he had come up with the doctrine of supralapsarianism.   That is a big word that basically means that God first chose people to damn to hell, then decided to let them fall into sin so He would have grounds to damn them.  In 1582 – eleven years after the Articles of Religion – a Dutch Reformed student by the name of Jakob Hermanszoon, better known by the Latin version of his name Jacob Arminius, came to Geneva to study under Beza.   Later that decade he was ordained a pastor in Amsterdam and was asked by the Ecclesiastical Council there to defend Beza’s doctrine of supralapsarianism against Dirck Coornhert who had rejected it.   Arminius attempted to do this but found that he could not honestly do so and began to develop a modified form of Reformed theology that emphasized free will rather than predestination.   He died in 1609 and the following year, the year before the Authorized Bible was published in England, his followers published The Five Articles of Remonstrance, stating their views on election, predestination, and free will.   In 1618, the Dutch Reformed Church convened the Synod of Dort to answer this document and the following year published its Canons, of which there were five, one for each Article of Remonstrance.   These have ever since been called the Five Points of Calvinism and are usually placed in a slightly different order than they appear in the Canons of Dort so as to make the acronym TULIP – Total Depravity (or Inability), Unconditional Election, Limited Atonement, Irresistible Grace, and Perseverance of the Saints.

 

Just in case you failed to pick up on that, the five points regarded as definitive of Calvinism today, were formulated in 1618-1619 in response to Arminianism, itself a response to supralapsarianism, a doctrine first taught by Calvin’s successor rather than Calvin himself.   Arminianism, therefore, rather than being a “sister of Romanism”, is most closely related within the various schools of Christian theology, to Calvinism itself.   Calvinism versus Arminianism, is an in-the-family dispute within the Reformed branch of Protestantism.   Calvinism and Arminianism disagree on all five points – that is kind of the point – although in other areas, they are closer to each other, than to any other form of Christianity, including the other Protestant traditions.   The five points also separate Calvinism from the other Protestant traditions.

 

Before looking at our Anglican Articles note how Lutheranism and Calvinism, agree and disagree on these matters.   Lutheranism and Calvinism are both monergistic (salvation is entirely the work of God not a cooperative effort between God and the one being saved) and Augustinian, and so both can affirm the first point of Calvinism at least if it is understood as the Augustinian concept of Original Sin, that the Fall so affected human nature as to make man utterly helpless in the matter of his own salvation and dependent utterly on the Grace of God.   Calvinists sometimes elaborate this in ways other Christians cannot affirm, such as claiming that the Image of God was wiped out by Original Sin.  Lutherans can also affirm unconditional election, but they reject double predestination which includes the concept of reprobation (predestination to hell) which Calvinism affirms.   So there is agreement between Lutheranism and Calvinism on one and a half points of Calvinism.   On the other points there is disagreement.   Lutherans most definitely do not believe in Limited Atonement – it conflicts with their understanding of the Gospel as a proclamation of Objective Justification accomplished for all human beings in Christ, that each human being must receive by faith for it to be validated as his own Subjective Justification.   Nor do they believe in Irresistible Grace.   God’s will, when worked through His Own power directly, is irresistible, but when God works through intermediate means, other wills can resist His own.   In the case of salvation, the salvation God accomplished for the world in Jesus Christ is brought to individuals through the intermediate means of the Gospel, which in both forms, Word and Sacrament, has in itself sufficient Grace to produce faith in the human heart, but because that Grace is conveyed through intermediate means, it is resistible rather than irresistible.   If someone believes it is entirely due to the Grace in the Gospel, he adds nothing of his own to it, if someone remains in unbelief, this is entirely due to his own resistance, and there is no answer, no simple one at any rate, to the question of cur alii, alii non (why some, not others).   On Perseverance both Lutherans and Calvinists affirm that the elect will persevere to the end and receive final salvation, but Calvinists combine this with the concept of perpetual justification – that after one is initially justified, this justification persists and is not lost through subsequent sin, a doctrine that among Baptists and Plymouth Brethren is often affirmed without Perseverance – and Lutherans do not, teaching that someone who commits Mortal Sin after initial justification loses it until he repents and is forgiven.

 

So where do our Articles stand on all of this?

 

Well, unsurprisingly the only points directly addressed are the first two, on which Lutherans and Calvinists mostly agree.   Articles IX and X, “Of Original or Birth Sin” and “Of Free-Will” respectively, affirm the Augustinian view of these things against the Pelagian.   Article XVII is entitled “Of Predestination and Election”.   Here it is in its entirety:

 

Predestination to Life is the everlasting purpose of God, whereby (before the foundations of the world were laid) he hath constantly decreed by his counsel secret to us, to deliver from curse and damnation those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankind, and to bring them by Christ to everlasting salvation, as vessels made to honour. Wherefore, they which be endued with so excellent a benefit of God be called according to God’s purpose by his Spirit working in due season: they through Grace obey the calling: they be justified freely: they be made sons of God by adoption: they be made like the image of his only-begotten Son Jesus Christ: they walk religiously in good works, and at length, by God’s mercy, they attain to everlasting felicity.

As the godly consideration of Predestination, and our Election in Christ, is full of sweet, pleasant, and unspeakable comfort to godly persons, and such as feel in themselves the working of the Spirit of Christ, mortifying the works of the flesh, and their earthly members, and drawing up their mind to high and heavenly things, as well because it doth greatly establish and confirm their faith of eternal Salvation to be enjoyed through Christ, as because it doth fervently kindle their love towards God: So, for curious and carnal persons, lacking the Spirit of Christ, to have continually before their eyes the sentence of God’s Predestination, is a most dangerous downfall, whereby the Devil doth thrust them either into desperation, or into wretchlessness of most unclean living, no less perilous than desperation.

Furthermore, we must receive God’ s promises in such wise, as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture: and, in our doings, that Will of God is to be followed, which we have expressly declared unto us in the Word of God.

 

Note there is no affirmation of Reprobation in this Article.   Lutherans as well as Calvinists can confess it.   Indeed, the second paragraph can almost be taken as an affirmation of the Lutheran understanding of the doctrine against the Calvinist.   Compare what it says about the doctrine being a comfort for the godly and not something to be excessively and indiscriminately preached because it can have a deleterious effect on the ungodly with Article XI of the Formula of Concord.   Paragraph 89 of the Solid Declaration of that Article reads:

 

Moreover, this doctrine gives no one a cause either for despondency or for a shameless, dissolute life, namely, when men are taught that they must seek eternal election in Christ and His holy Gospel, as in the Book of Life, which excludes no penitent sinner, but beckons and calls all the poor, heavy-laden, and troubled sinners [who are disturbed by the sense of God’s wrath], to repentance and the knowledge of their sins and to faith in Christ, and promises the Holy Ghost for purification and renewal, 90 and thus gives the most enduring consolation to all troubled, afflicted men, that they know that their salvation is not placed in their own hands,-for otherwise they would lose it much more easily than was the case with Adam and Eve in paradise, yea, every hour and moment,-but in the gracious election of God, which He has revealed to us in Christ, out of whose hand no man shall pluck us, John 10:28; 2 Tim. 2:19.

 

Limited Atonement (or Particular Redemption), the idea that Jesus died only for the elect is not affirmed in the Thirty-Nine Articles, and indeed, Limited Atonement contradicts both Articles II and XXXI.   Article II, which is about the “Word or Son of God, which was made very Man” ends with the affirmation that He “truly suffered, was crucified, dead and buried, to reconcile his Father to us, and to be a sacrifice, not only for original guilt, but also for all actual sins of men” and Article XXXI, “Of the one Oblation of Christ finished upon the Cross” reads:

 

The Offering of Christ once made is that perfect redemption, propitiation, and satisfaction, for all the sins of the whole world, both original and actual; and there is none other satisfaction for sin, but that alone. Wherefore the sacrifices of Masses, in the which it was commonly said, that the Priest did offer Christ for the quick and the dead, to have remission of pain or guilt, were blasphemous fables, and dangerous deceits.

 

There is no affirmation of Irresistible Grace (or Effectual Calling for Calvinists who are allergic to TULIPs) in the Articles and it is not consistent with the language used of the Sacraments in Article XXV:

 

Sacraments ordained of Christ be not only badges or tokens of Christian men’s profession, but rather they be certain sure witnesses, and effectual signs of grace, and God’s good will towards us, by the which he doth work invisibly in us, and doth not only quicken, but also strengthen and confirm our Faith in him.

 

Remember, Grace that is conveyed through intermediate means is Grace that can be resisted.    Now, for the final petal in the TULIP, let us turn to Article XVI “Of Sin After Baptism”.  This Article reads:

 

Not every deadly sin willingly committed after Baptism is sin against the Holy Ghost, and unpardonable. Wherefore the grant of repentance is not to be denied to such as fall into sin after Baptism. After we have received the Holy Ghost, we may depart from grace given, and fall into sin, and by the grace of God we may arise again, and amend our lives. And therefore they are to be condemned, which say, they can no more sin as long as they live here, or deny the place of forgiveness to such as truly repent.

 

The language here strongly suggests the Lutheran position without explicitly affirming it against the Calvinist.   Note the words “deadly sin willingly committed after Baptism”.   This is the concept of Mortal Sin as it is understood in Lutheran theology.   Calvinist theology does not allow for a concept of Mortal Sin which is probably why the expression is avoided.   The possibility of departing from grace is affirmed, although in such a way that it is only the heresy of those who say that once you become a Christian you cannot sin again that can be definitely said  to be denied here rather than the Calvinist doctrine of perpetual justification.   What is most strongly affirmed, that repentance and forgiveness are available to those who sin after Baptism, is believed by all orthodox Christians, and what is condemned, earthly sinless perfectionism and the unavailability of forgiveness, are ideas asserted only by the looniest of wing-nuts.   Overall, the Article reads as a statement of the Lutheran view, worded carefully so as not to offend Calvinists.

 

From what we have just seen, those who would say that the Articles of Religion are Reformed in the sense of Calvinist as opposed to Lutheran, are clearly in the wrong when it comes to soteriology.   The Articles lean Lutheran, but in such a way as to not exclude Calvinists.  On the Lord’s Supper, they lean Calvinist, but in such a way as to not exclude Lutherans.   On Church government they are clearly not Calvinist – they affirm the Episcopal government shared by every Church everywhere before the sixteenth century, retained by the Anglican Church and by some Lutherans.   On the very matter of deciding what from the pre-Reformation tradition can be retained and what must be jettisoned they affirm in Article XX the normative principle which they share with the Lutheran Augsburg Confession rather than the regulative principle of the Calvinists and Anabaptists.

 

Those Low Churchmen who think the only true Anglicans are Five Point Calvinists clearly haven’t got a clue what they are talking about.

 

 

 

 

Friday, June 16, 2023

The Ninth Article – The Holy Catholick Church

Before delving into the theological meat of the ninth Article of the Christian Creed allow me to point out that the spelling of “Catholick” in the title of this essay is not a typo.    The declinable suffix –icus in Latin and its Greek counterpart - ῐκός were added to other words, usually nouns, to turn them into adjectives.   These suffixes survive in both English and French where they have dropped the declinable case endings but retained the function and meaning in the French –ique and the English –ic.  The English suffix had a number of different spellings before it was standardized as –ic in the nineteenth century.   In the sixteenth century editions of the Book of Common Prayer we find the Nicene Creed talking about the “Catholike” and “Apostolike” Church.   This is obviously an Anglicized version of the French spelling.   More common was the Middle English –ick, which we find in the 1662 Restoration edition of the Book of Common Prayer.    This version continued to be used well into the Modern English period but the k was dropped from standard spelling by the end of the Victorian era.  Today, when the older spelling of adjectives that in standard spelling end in –ic is used, it is for the purpose of being deliberately archaic.      This is why I have used it in the title.   I will not force you, my readers, to endure it every time this word appears in this essay, however.  I will use it when citing the Restoration BCP, but otherwise will use the standard spelling.  

 

In the Apostles’ Creed the ninth Article and all the Articles that follow it are part of the same sentence that began in the eighth Article with Credo or “I believe”.   This verb has multiple objects and the remainder of the sentence lists them, separating them with commas, in Spiritum Sanctum or “in the Holy Ghost” being the first in the sequence.   The tenth, eleventh, and twelfth Articles, like the eighth, each contain one item in the list.   The ninth Article contains two items, which tells us that these two items have an even closer connection than that which exists between all the items in the list, one so close that they are treated as being in some sense the same thing.  The ninth Article in the original Latin reads: sanctam Ecclesiam catholicam, sanctorum communionem.  In the Restoration Book of Common Prayer this is rendered as “The holy Catholick Church; The Communion of Saints”.   In addition to the spelling update discussed in the first paragraph, later editions of the BCP revert to the commas of the Latin original in place of the semi-colon.

 

In the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed there is only one item in this Article.   This part of the conciliar Creed does not use the same grammatical structure as the Apostles’ Creed.  The eighth Article is its own sentence as is the ninth and the tenth Article begins with a completely different first person verb.   The Greek original is Εἰς μίαν, ἁγίαν, καθολικὴν καὶ ἀποστολικὴν Ἐκκλησίαν.   Here the Restoration Book of Common Prayer, like the earlier English Reformation editions of 1549 and 1559, interestingly departs from both the Greek and Latin texts of the Creed by rendering it “And I believe one Catholick and Apostolick Church”.   The “And” renders “Et” in the Latin text, which does not have an equivalent in the Greek original, but the “I believe” is entirely an interpolation, having no original in either the Greek or Latin texts.  Whereas one would expect to find an “in” after the “I believe” – and in actual practice, when this part of the Creed is recited it is often inserted by those doing the reciting – it is absent from the English text, although it can be found without the “And I believe” in the Greek original.   A more important omission is the word “holy” after “one” and before “Catholick”.  This is the ἁγίαν in the Greek text and it is present in the Latin as sanctam in the Latin text.   The reason for Cranmer’s omission of it is unclear.  It couldn’t have been a theological objection to it because he retained it in the Apostles’ Creed.   The oft offered explanation that it was due to what we would call textual criticism today – that he found a regional Latin variation that omitted the sanctam and became convinced that this rather than the text in use everywhere else was the original – is not very satisfactory.   It is unlikely that he would have left it out for this reason without leaving a written explanation justifying the decision and it would be very strange and inconsistent for him to have omitted the universally testified to “holy” for this reason while a) adding “I believe” to the text and b) retaining the unoriginal filioque in the preceding Article.   Recent editions of the Book of Common Prayer, like the Canadian 1962 edition, have restored the “holy” which should have been done much sooner.   Everywhere else, Cranmer’s English rendition of the Creed is impeccably faithful to the original and impossible to improve on in English style, making the way in which he treated this Article all the more conspicuous for departing from that norm.

 

In the ninth Article as it appears in the conciliar Creed we find four adjectives and a noun.   The four adjectives – one, holy, Catholic and Apostolic – are called the marks or notes of the Church.  Church, of course, is the noun, and we shall consider it first before looking at the words that modify it.

 

In English the word Church represents the Greek word Ἐκκλησία.   The Latin Ecclesia is the Greek word borrowed and transliterated into Latin characters.   At the root of the Greek word is the combination of the preposition ἐκ which is used to denote movement of some sort, literal or metaphorical, from a source and is most often translated “of” “from” or “out of” in English, with the verb κᾰλέω which means “call” or “summon” (our English word “call” is derived from this verb’s cognate in the Germanic family of languages).   The compound form of the verb is a more intense way of saying “summon” and the noun we are looking at was formed from the passive perfect form of the verb indicating those who have been summoned, i.e., to a meeting or “assembly” as it is regularly translated when it is not being used as the name of the sacred society affirmed in the Creed.   In pre-New Testament ancient Greek literature it was used of formal military and political assemblies.   It was used, for example, for the citizen-assemblies of the Greek city-states, of which the most famous was that of Athens.   Aristophanes’ comedy in which the women of Athens put on fake beards and their husbands clothes and invade the assembly where they vote themselves supreme power over the city-state is entitled  Ἐκκλησιάζουσαι which, when it is not just Latinized as Ecclesiazusae is usually translated Assemblywomen.   When the writers of the New Testament chose this word for the spiritual society founded by Jesus Christ through His Apostles it was not for these political associations, but for the word’s more basic meaning of people gathered or assembled together.   In the LXX, the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures made at the request of Ptolemy II Philadelphus of Egypt from which the New Testament writers frequently quote and which in practical usage became the Christian Old Testament, this word is used on numerous occasions when all of national Israel was assembled together.   The most relevant of these to our discussion of the Christian Ἐκκλησία is how the word is used in the translation of the Books of Moses.   Here it is the word used of the sacred assembly when the LORD commanded that Israel assemble before Him, that His Law be read to them, and made His Covenant with them.   In the Book of Deuteronomy commandments are given that make it clear that this assembly was not just a historical gathering but something that was to be ongoing for the duration of the Covenant.      In this sense, it basically means Israel, viewed not through the ethnic/political lens as a nation, but through the religious/spiritual lens as the “congregation of the LORD’.   This is the usage of the word that would have been first and foremost in the minds of the New Testament writers when they used this word of the society that was formed when the Holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles.    In the Ἐκκλησία of which they wrote and which we affirm here in the Creed this Old Testament concept of the “Congregation of the LORD” is updated and adapted for the New Covenant.

 

The English word “Church” that we use for the Ἐκκλησία, like the German “Kirche”, the Scottish “kirk” and other such cognates in the Germanic family of languages is ultimately derived from the Greek word meaning “of the Lord” through a Gothic intermediary word that has been lost to time.  This etymology suggests that this word originally denoted the place where the Ἐκκλησία assembled and eventually came to also be the word for the Ἐκκλησία itself, although the original usage has been retained as well since we often speak of the buildings where the Church meets as “churches”.   When this word appears in the English translation of the Creed and when it translates Ἐκκλησία in the New Testament it is not with the meaning of the building, however, but of the society of worshippers that gathers there.

 

In the Gospels, the Church is seldom mentioned by name.   St. Matthew is the only the Evangelist to use the word Ἐκκλησία and he uses it only three times.   All of these are in the future tense.   The first is when Jesus, following St. Peter’s confession of Him as “the Christ, the Son of the Living God” declares that “upon this rock I will build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.” (Matt. 16:18).   The other two occur in a single verse two chapters later when Jesus is giving His disciples instructions as to what to do when their brothers sin against them.    The Gospel accounts record other things that are important to ecclesiology – the commissioning of the Apostles, the institution of the Lord’s Supper in each of the Synoptic Gospels, and the extended pre-institution teaching concerning its significance in the sixth chapter of St. John’s Gospel to give three examples – but from the uses of Ἐκκλησία in St. Matthew and Jesus’ post-Last Supper pre-arrest dialogue recoded in St. John, we see that the Church was still in the future at the time of the events recorded in the Gospels, awaiting Christ’s Ascension and the coming of the Holy Ghost.

 

It is St. Luke who provides us with the account of the birth of the Church.   He does not use the word Ἐκκλησία in his Gospel but he uses it frequently throughout the Acts of the Apostles in which it occurs for the first time in the last verse of the second chapter.   St. Luke records, both at the end of his Gospel and the beginning of Acts, Jesus’ instructions to His Apostles to wait in Jerusalem until they are empowered from Heaven to carry out the Commission He had given them.    This occurred, a little over a week after His Ascension, on Pentecost.   Pentecost, meaning “fifty”, was the Greek name for the Jewish Feast of Weeks, Shavuot, so called because it fell a “week of weeks”, i.e., seven weeks, after Passover.   This was one of the three pilgrimage festivals prescribed to Israel in the Law of Moses in which the Israelites were commanded to annually assemble, first at the Tabernacle, then later at the Temple in Jerusalem.  On the Pentecost after the Ascension, as devout Jews from all over the Roman Empire were gathering in Jerusalem for the festival, St. Luke records that the Apostles were gathered together in one place when the sound of a mighty wind from Heaven filled the house, cloven tongues of fire appeared over them, and the Holy Ghost filled them and they began to proclaim Christ in the languages of the Diaspora Jews gathered for the festival.   This astonished the multitude and St. Peter addressed them with a sermon in which he proclaimed Jesus, Whom they had so recently crucified, to have risen from the dead and to be the long awaited Christ.   The repentant crowd asked what they must do and he told them to repent and be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ for the remission of sins and the Holy Ghost would come upon them as well.   About three thousand were so converted that day and “they continued steadfastly in the apostles' doctrine and fellowship, and in breaking of bread, and in prayers.” (Acts 2:42).

 

This was the birth of the Christian Church.   Had St. Peter gone on to preach a second sermon in which he told them that they, each of them as individuals, were the Church, and that they as individuals were the Church as they went out and lived their individual lives and conducted their individual everyday business in the world around them, the sort of sermon that is heard from time to time from certain Protestant pulpits, they would have looked at him as if the reverse of the miracle of Pentecost had taken place, for this sort of language would have been completely foreign to them.   The Church was not who they were as individuals but who they were as a community.   It was right here in the very name of their society – the Ἐκκλησία – those assembled or gathered together.   Together, they were, for St. Luke goes on to tell us that they were together, both in the Temple and from home to home, on a daily basis, not just once a week.  Indeed, at first the Church was not just a community but what we would call a commune, holding all things in common.   At the end of this description of this sacred community in its fledgling days, St. Luke names it by telling us “the Lord added to the church daily such as should be saved”. (Acts. 2:47).

 

Since she is rarely mentioned in the Gospels, and it is her earliest history with which St. Luke is concerned in the book of Acts, it is the epistles of the New Testament that we must turn to find doctrine concerning the Church.   In the epistles, three metaphorical images are prominently used to depict the Church and these correspond with the Three Persons of the Holy Trinity.   With regards to the Father, the Church is called the people of God.   While there are a few verses in St. Paul’s epistles that refer to the Church this way, such as Titus 2:14, it is St. Peter who makes the most out of this image in the second chapter of his First Epistle where he writes:

 

But ye are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, an holy nation, a peculiar people; that ye should shew forth the praises of him who hath called you out of darkness into his marvellous light; Which in time past were not a people, but are now the people of God: which had not obtained mercy, but now have obtained mercy. (1 Pet. 2:9-10)

 

Here St. Peter, the Apostle of the Circumcision (Gal. 2:7), writing to churches whose members were largely of Jewish origins, borrows the Old Testament’s language with regards to Israel and applies it to the Church.   We shall defer discussion of the relationship between the Church and Old Testament Israel to later when we address the note of unity.   Note that this is also the proof text for the Protestant doctrine of the “universal priesthood of believers”.   Clearly the universal priesthood of the Church is here affirmed, just as the universal priesthood of Israel was affirmed in Deuteronomy.   We shall address the erroneous conclusion that many Protestants infer from “universal priesthood” when we come to the note of Apostolicity.

 

With regards to the Son, the Church is said to be the Body of Christ.   This is the primary image that St. Paul uses of the Church and he uses throughout his epistles.   In this image, the Church is likened to a physical body, Jesus Christ is identified as the Head, and the individuals Christians who are members of the Church are likened to the other parts of a body.  When this imagery is used, the emphasis is on the unity of the Church.   In the twelfth chapters of both Romans and 1 Corinthians the unity of the Body is urged against those who either looked with envy at other Christians spiritual gifts and ministries or conversely thought theirs were more important than those of others.  One implication of this imagery is that in this period of time, after the Ascension His Presence on earth that began with His Incarnation is continued in His Body, the Church until He returns in Judgement and receives His Church to Himself as His Bride. (1)  St. Paul also teaches that this unity of Christians, with each other and with Christ, is established and maintained by means of the Sacraments of the Church.   In baptism, which as we saw in Acts 2 is the rite of entry to the Church, St. Paul says in Romans 6, Galatians 3, and Colossians 2 we are united with Christ.   In 1 Corinthians 10, speaking of the Sacrament of Holy Communion – the “breaking of bread” that the first Church partook of daily in Acts 2 – he writes “The cup of blessing which we bless, is it not the communion of the blood of Christ? The bread which we break, is it not the communion of the body of Christ? For we being many are one bread, and one body: for we are all partakers of that one bread.” (2 Cor. 10:16-17).

 

With regards to the Holy Ghost, the Church is the Temple of the Holy Ghost.   This exact expression is found in 1 Corinthians 6:19 which is often mistakenly taken to be talking about the physical body of the individual Christian.   The verse reads “What? know ye not that your body is the temple of the Holy Ghost which is in you, which ye have of God, and ye are not your own?”   The mistake is excusable in that it occurs in a passage in which fornication is being discussed and in which the physical body is mentioned in the previous verse.   In this verse, however, the body is modified with the plural possessive “your” by contrast with “the” and “his own” in the preceding verse, and this point back to three chapters earlier where the Apostle tells the Church to which he is writing that they collectively are the “temple of God”, and that the Spirit of  God dwelleth in you?” (1 Cor. 3:16) shortly after having described them as “God’s building” erected on the foundation of Jesus Christ.   1 Corinthians 6:19 is referring back to this.   The contrast between its metaphorical use of the word body and the literal use in the preceding verse is wordplay.  If you look at the argument in the passage as a whole, noting the contrast drawn in verses 16-17, it becomes evident that the body in verse 19 is the Church.   Further examples of the Temple image can be found in 1 Peter 2, in the verses just prior to the ones about the Church as the people of God, where the Church is described as a “spiritual house” built up with the “lively stones” of the believers with Christ Himself as the “chief corner stone”, and in Ephesians 2:22 where Jesus Christ is again identified as the “chief corner stone” of a temple built on the foundation of “the apostles and prophets”. 

 

Among evangelical Protestants it is widely thought that when the New Testament speaks of the Church as the People of God, the Body of Christ, and the Temple of the Holy Ghost, “the Church” does not denote a visible society but is used as an aggregate term for all individual believers in Jesus Christ.  Theologically, this concept is described as “the invisible Church”.   Something like the invisible Church concept can be inferred from St. Paul’s remarks concerning national Israel that they are not all Israel who are called Israel, but that only the believing and obedient are the true Jews, the inference being that the same can be said of the Church.   The closest that the New Testament comes to explicitly expressing this concept, however, is the expression “the elect”. The word Ἐκκλησία is never used with this meaning in the New Testament, however.   Apart from instances where it is used for assemblies of other sorts, it always refers to the visible society that was established on the Pentecost after the Ascension.   It is this visible society that is the People of God, Body of Christ, and Temple of the Holy Ghost.

 

We turn now to the notes or marks of the Church, those four adjectives that modify the word Church in the conciliar Creed.   We shall not examine them in the order in which they appear in the Creed, but will start with the most controversial and most misunderstood, Catholic, and then we shall look at Apostolic, which follows Catholic in the Creed, before turning to the first two notes in the order in which they appear, One and Holy.  

 

This word Catholic is widely misunderstood today, both by those who think it means the Communion over which the Bishop of Rome presides supreme, and by those who do not.  To understand what it really means, we need to go back to the book of Acts and see what happened to that society, the Church, after Pentecost.   In the third through sixth chapters of Acts, the Church has not yet expanded beyond Jerusalem, although it is rapidly growing.   In the sixth chapter the Church has grown so much, that the Apostles establish the order of Deacons to take care of the distribution of goods, and one of these, St. Stephen, is brought before the Sanhedrin by false accusers.   The seventh chapter is mostly an account of the sermon he gave on that occasion and ends with his martyrdom by stoning.   Saul of Tarsus, who would become St. Paul the Apostle, appears for the first time in the account of St. Stephen’s martyrdom, and at the beginning of the eighth chapter we read “And at that time there was a great persecution against the church which was at Jerusalem; and they were all scattered abroad throughout the regions of Judaea and Samaria, except the apostles”.   From this point on the Church is no longer just in Jerusalem, but is found throughout the Holy Land wherever the scattered members go.   The persecution fails in its intent for the Church only grows the more because her scattered members “went everywhere preaching the word” (Acts. 8:4).   The example is provided of St. Philip the Evangelist – one of the seven deacons ordained earlier in the sixth chapter and not the Apostle of the same name – who brings the Gospel to the Samaritans. In the ninth chapter the account returns to Saul of Tarsus, who with letters of authority from the High Priest sets out to Damascus to take the Christians there prisoner and bring them back to Jerusalem only to encounter the Risen Christ on the way.  Converted and commissioned by the Lord, he goes blinded to Damascus where he is taken in by the Church, healed and baptized, and straightway begins preaching Christ until he is forced to flee the city.   After this St. Luke records “Then had the churches rest throughout all Judaea and Galilee and Samaria, and were edified; and walking in the fear of the Lord, and in the comfort of the Holy Ghost, were multiplied.”   In the Received Text of the New Testament this is the first plural use of the word Church. (2)  The plural can be found in the New Testament when the writer wishes to speak of the Church in several different locations at the same time, but it is far more common for the singular to be used, because the New Testament writers stress the unity of the Church.   Wherever the Church is found, it is the one Church established in Jerusalem on Pentecost.   In New Testament usage, the Church in a particular location is spoken of as the Church, not as the local part of the Church.   It is the same Church wherever it is and if a distinction needs to be made between the Church in a particular location and the Church everywhere the New Testament writers make the distinction by identifying the location of the particular Church – the Church in Corinth, the Church in Galatia, etc.   Obviously, they could have done this the other way around by using a modifier for “the Church” when the Church everywhere was intended, and very early on Christians realized the advantage to having such a word and settled on καθολικὴ.   The first recorded use of this word, which is a compound form of the Greek word for “whole” in which the prepositional prefix which usually means “down”, “against” or “according to” is just an intensifier, is in St. Ignatius’ epistle to the Church at Smyrna.   St. Ignatius was the bishop of Antioch and like St. Polycarp, the bishop of Smyrna, was a direct disciple of the Apostle John.   The epistle in question was written shortly before the martyrdom of St. Ignatius which according to Eusebius of Caesarea occurred in the reign of Trajan (98 to 117 AD).   There is no reason to think that St. Ignatius coined the word for this epistle and so his early second century use of it is a good indicator that it may have been in use already before the end of the first century.

 

The word “Catholic” then speaks of the Church, the society of Christian believers established in Jerusalem on Pentecost and spread throughout the world, as a whole wherever she can be found, as distinct from her presence in one particular location, or from her presence in multiple specific locations that are not all-inclusive of every location in which she is present which is when the New Testament uses the plural.   Therefore, contrary to widespread contemporary usage, it is not communion with the Church of one particular location, Rome, that makes a Church Catholic.   “Roman” is not one of the notes of the Church in the Creed and Scripturally it is the Church in Jerusalem that is the Mother Church and not the Church in Rome.   The Roman Church errs, therefore, in identifying herself as the Mother Church, and those in communion with her as the Catholic Church.   Hyper-Protestants, who similarly identify the Catholic Church with the Roman Church but who condemn her for being Catholic and who do not hesitate to condemn traditions that are held not just by the Roman Church but shared by all the ancient Churches, err worse than the Roman Church in this regards.   The reverse error to this, is that of those Protestants who define Catholic as “universal” and think that by doing so they have identified the Catholic Church with the “invisible Church”.   Catholic does mean “universal”, of course, but “universal” in the sense of the visible society founded in Jerusalem extended universally, not in the sense of an aggregate of unorganized individual believers.   Organic continuity with the Mother Church in Jerusalem is essential to the Catholicity of a Church, present communion with the Church in Rome and her Bishop is not.

 

Further insight into the Catholicity of the Church may be gleaned by examining her Apostolicity.   The Church is Apostolic in several different ways.   First the Church is Apostolic in her foundation.   The Apostles were the intermediaries through which Jesus Christ founded and built His Church, as we see from His future tense references to the Church in St. Matthew’s Gospel, His commissioning the Apostles, and the historical account of the Church’s founding in Acts.   Second the Church is Apostolic in that she has Apostolic authority. The Apostles were the governors that Christ set in authority over her from the beginning.   This is evident in the mission He gave them, in His instructions to them in the Gospels as to how they were to follow His example and lead as servant-leaders and not like temporal rulers, and in the history of the early Church in Acts.   Third, the Church is Apostolic in her priesthood.   The Church in her entirety is described as a priesthood in the New Testament, just as all of national Israel was called a priesthood in Deuteronomy.   Just as Israel, the nation of priests, was given a specific priesthood, the Levites, under the Aaronic High Priesthood, so the Church, the priesthood of believers, was given a specific priesthood, the Apostles, under their High Priest, Jesus Christ, a Priest after the Order of Melchizedek.     Fourthly, the Church is Apostolic in her doctrine.   This pertains to matters both of faith – that there are twelve Articles in the Creed is because there are twelve Apostles, the traditional account of its origins which although discounted by critical historians today is very early is that the Creed was written by the Twelve, each contributing an Article – and of practice, i.e., moral teaching.  

 

The Protestant Reformers emphasized the fourth of these ways in which the Church is Apostolic over all the others and, indeed, for most forms of Protestantism, this is the only kind of Apostolicity that matters.   Hyper-Protestantism takes this a step further and actively opposes and condemns the second and third types of Apostolicity.   They do so out of zeal without knowledge.     Let us take a further look at Apostolic authority and priesthood in the Church.

 

In the New Testament, the Apostles are the governors of the Church.   At first they are all together in the Church in Jerusalem.   There they establish the order of Deacons to assist in the distribution of goods in the sixth chapter of Acts.   Later, when the Church is scattered, with the Apostles themselves still initially centred in Jerusalem, we find that the Church in each of its various particular locations had local leaders who were subordinate to the Apostles.   The New Testament uses two terms for these.   One of these is πρεσβύτεροι (presybyteroi) which means “elders”.   This term the early Church borrowed from the Jewish synagogue although the Church clearly used it in a less literal sense (1 Tim. 4:12).   The other term was ἐπίσκοπος (episkopos) which means “overseer”.   While these two terms seem to have been mostly used interchangeably in the New Testament, the word for “elders” is usually plural and the word for “overseers” is usually singular, which might suggest that the Church in each location was led by a group of “elders” themselves led by a single “overseer”.   Either way, the elders/overseers answered to the Apostles and thus constituted a second order of ministry under the Apostles.   The ministry of the Church in the New Testament, therefore, was a hierarchy of three orders, with the Apostles themselves as the highest order, who governed the Church as a whole – the Catholic Church – and who ordained the members of the other orders.    That the Apostles had the higher authority was early illustrated in the eighth chapter of Acts.   After the scattering of the Jerusalem Church, St. Philip, again the deacon not the Apostle, went to Samaria, and many were converted by his preaching and baptized, but it was not until SS Peter and John came down from Jerusalem and laid their hands on the baptized converts – the New Testament does not use the word but this is what in later times would be called confirmation – that they received the Holy Ghost.   The laying on of the Apostles’ hands was also, as we saw in the account of the establishment of the Deacons, the method of ordination.    The question becomes what happened the authority of the Apostles?

 

The New Testament answers that question and for 1500 years every Church – not just the Church of Rome, but the Eastern Orthodox Church, the Assyrian Church of the East, the Oriental Orthodox Churches (Coptic, Armenian, etc.) – all the ancient Churches – could give the New Testament answer.   The Apostles, before they died, admitted certain of the elder-overseers into their own order, conferring on them their authority and governorship of the Church.   This happened before the New Testament was complete.   The Pastoral epistles of St. Paul, the epistles to SS Timothy and Titus, are written to two elder-overseers who had been given the Apostolic authority to ordain others.   The Apostolic authority has been passed on in the same way ever since.   Depending upon whether elder and overseer were completely interchangeable at first, or whether overseer denoted the person in charge assisted by the elders, either the overseers were the ones admitted to the Apostolic order or, at some point late in the first century, it was decided to reserve the term overseer for the new members of the Apostolic order.  Either way, those who exercise the Apostolic government of the Church have ever since been called bishops which is the Anglicization of the Greek word for overseer just as priest, an Anglicization of the Greek word for elder, has been the term for the ministers of the second order.

 

That ministers of the second order are called priests because this term is derived from their original Greek name of πρεσβύτεροι meaning elders is not what is meant by the Apostolic priesthood of the Church.   In 1 Peter, the word used to describe the Church as a royal “priesthood” is ἱεράτευμα (hierateuma) which has no relation to the word for elder.   It refers to the state of being a ἱερεύς (hiereus).   This is the basic Greek word for someone who ministers in a temple, offering prayers and sacrifices to God, if it was a Levitical Jewish priest, or to a god, if it was a pagan priest.   That it is consistently translated in English, not merely in the Bible but in other literature as well, by a word that ultimately comes from the Greek word for elder, testifies to the ancient association between the Christian ministry and temple service.   We have already explained why the use of the term priesthood for the entire Church does not preclude the Apostolic ministry’s being a more specific priesthood.  The entire nation of Israel was described as a nation of priests in book of Deuteronomy and yet a more specific priesthood was established for that nation.  Therefore the Church’s being a universal priesthood cannot preclude her ministers being priests in a more specific manner.  Indeed, the Old Testament allusions in the passage in 1 Peter make it even less logical to argue against the priesthood of the Apostolic ministry on the basis of the universal priesthood because the passage emphasizes continuity between Israel in the Old Testament and the Church in the New.

 

Hyper-Protestants maintain that a Christian priesthood offends against the teaching of the New Testament, particularly that of St. Paul in the epistle to the Hebrews, that Jesus Christ offered Himself as the One Sacrifice that effectively takes away sin and does away with the need for any other propitiatory blood sacrifices.   There is no need for priests, their argument goes, if there are no more sacrifices, an argument that could just as well be used against the universal priesthood of believers.   Or, they will argue, Jesus Christ is our Priest, therefore we need no other, another argument that works as well against the universal priesthood of believers.   Their position is, in part, a retaliation against the unwise language the Roman Church was using just before the Reformation, and which she dug her heels in to defend in the Council of Trent, about Christ’s Sacrifice being reoffered in the Eucharist in a propitiatory manner effective for the living and the dead.   The Hyper-Protestants, however, pushed the pendulum too far in the opposite direction.

In the Old Testament, God appointed the Levites as the specific priests of His nation of priests Israel.   He appointed various sacrifices to be offered for different reasons and at different times.   Not all of these had to do with sin.  As to what was to be offered, there were basically three types.   There were animal sacrifices, of course, which with the death of the animal and the blood sprinkled on the altar – and on the Day of Atonement on the Mercy Seat – prefigured Christ’s One Sacrifice.   There were also meal offerings – meat offerings in the Authorized Bible – of grain or flour, and drink offerings or libations, of wine.   Whether or not the offerings were associated with the sins of the people, the animals, the grain or flour, and the wine were brought by the people to the Tabernacle/Temple as if the people were offering the tribute of a meal to God.   What was not burned was reserved in accordance with the Mosaic Law as the food of the priests. 

 

In the New Testament, Jesus’ death on the Cross did what none of the sacrifices for sin which had to be repeated could ever do.   His shed blood sprinkled in the Holy of Holies of the Heavenly Tabernacle after which the earthly was patterned, did what the blood of bulls and goats could never do.   As the Agnes Dei, the Lamb of God as John the Baptist called Him, He took away the sins of the world once and for all.   By fulfilling what they prefigured, His death did away with animal sacrifices, blood sacrifices, sacrifices for sin, once and for all.   Again, it was sacrifices for sin that were ended by Christ’s One Sacrifice.  It was not the entire sacrificial system.   The rest of the sacrificial system was radically transformed and streamlined for the Church by Christ’s One Sacrifice.   Remember the meal and drink offerings.  Jesus told the multitude that came to Him in Capernaum after the feeding of the five thousand that He was the true Bread from Heaven, referencing the Manna of the Old Testament, the Bread of Life and that they would need to eat His flesh and drink His blood.   How could they do that, though, without violating all sorts of prohibitions, including the Noahic prohibition against drinking blood?   At the Last Supper on the night of His betrayal, Jesus revealed the answer to His Apostles as, at that Passover meal, He took the mazot, blessed it and broke it, and distributed it to them saying that it was His broken body, and similarly blessed the cup of wine before passing it around telling them that it was His blood of the New Covenant shed for many for the remission of sins.     The other elements of the Levitical sacrificial system, the grain offerings and the libations, were thus transformed into the bread and wine which would be the means by which the Church would be fed from the life-giving food of Christ’s Body and Blood, broken and shed for us, in the One True Sacrifice.     

 

Jesus’ instructions to the Apostles at the Last Supper therefore established them as the priesthood that would lead His Church which would be a priesthood in a more general sense.     Holy Communion in the Church under the New Covenant took the place of the Levitical sacrifices in Israel under the Old Covenant.   Consider one of the few passages in which Holy Communion is discussed at length if you doubt that this is the role of Holy Communion in the Church.   In 1 Corinthians 10 St. Paul, warning the Corinthians to flee idolatry, explains how the bread and cup of the Eucharist are the Body and Blood of Christ which make those who partake, the Church, one body.   (1 Cor. 10:16-17).   He then immediately points to national Israel and how they which eat of the sacrifices, i.e., the Levites, are partakers of the altar (v. 18).  He then talks about how the pagan Gentiles sacrifice to idols and those who partake of these sacrifices have fellowship with devils (vv. 19-20).   His point, spelled out in verse 21, is that partaking in the Lord’s cup and table is incompatible with partaking in the cup and table of devils.   What the form of his argument shows is that Holy Communion is in the Church what the Levitical sacrifices were in Israel and what sacrifices to idols were in the pagan religion(s).  This makes those whom Christ commissioned to administer the Sacrament, the Apostles, and those they subsequently ordained to partake in their ministry, priests. 

 

It is not that in the Eucharist Jesus’ Sacrifice is again be repeatedly offered up to God as a propitiation to take away sins.  That was done once and for all at the Cross.   It is rather that in the Eucharist that One True Sacrifice becomes the food of God’s people.   Jesus, by His death on the Cross, reversed the direction of the sacrificial system.   In His One Sacrifice, He was both the Priest Who offered the Sacrifice and the Victim Who was offered, but He was also God, the One Who received the offering.   This means that the One Sacrifice that actually took sin away was not something offered by sinful man to the God he had offended to appease Him, but an offering made on behalf of sinful man by the very One they had offended and so was  a gift from God to sinful man to reconcile him to Himself.    This effected a reversal in direction in the New Testament Sacramental system from the Old Testament sacrificial.  In the old system, the people brought the offerings to God through the priests.   In the new system, God gives to the people through the priests.    Christ’s Sacrifice, as the Sacrifice that propitiates God, i.e., satisfies the demands of His justice against sin, can never and need never, be repeated.   As the food that sustains believers, we are in constant need of it for we are frail as long as we are in the flesh in this world, and so God provides that we are fed by it repeatedly through the means of the Sacrament.   If the sacrificial system of the Old Covenant required priests, all the more does the Sacrament of the New Covenant for the substance is always greater than the shadow. (3)

 

Should a Hyper-Protestant object that the New Testament does not explicitly designate the Apostolic ministry a priesthood I will answer that this is not true.   In the penultimate chapter of the epistle to the Romans, St. Paul, in justifying the boldness with which he had written to them, speaks of the grace of God given to him that:

 

I should be the minister of Jesus Christ to the Gentiles, ministering the gospel of God, that the offering up of the Gentiles might be acceptable, being sanctified by the Holy Ghost. (Rom. 15:16)

 

The word rendered “minister” in our Authorized Bible is the accusative form of λειτουργός.   This word, in which the origins of our word “liturgy” can be seen, means “one who performs a λειτουργία, which word, compounded from the word for “people” and the word for “work” means “public service”.   A λειτουργός was a public servant, which could mean various things, among them civil servant and priest.   Obviously civil servant is not the intent here.   That priest is what is intended is spelled out by the verb translated “ministering” in our Authorized Bible, which word is a participle form of ἱερουργέω a verb meaning “to do the work of a priest” that is compounded from the word for priest and the word for work.   That the final clause further adds to St. Paul’s depiction of his ministry as a priestly one in this verse should be obvious even without reference to the Greek.

 

That this kind of language is not used more widely of the Apostolic ministry in the New Testament is most likely due to the fact that the bulk of the New Testament was composed prior to the destruction of Jerusalem in AD 70.   Up until that time the Temple was standing and the Old Testament sacrifices were being offered on its altar.   The New Testament writers, not wanting to confuse the Apostolic ministry with that of the Levites, avoided using terms like ἱερεύς for the Apostolic ministry for the most part while the Levitical priesthood was still operating.   In the verse in which St. Paul describes his ministry this way, it is emphasized that his mission is to the Gentiles, eliminating the potential for such confusion.

 

Whatever disagreements led to the breaking of fellowship in the fifth and eleventh centuries between the ancient Churches they all agree that the Church is a visible society of believers, governed by the Apostles and their successors the bishops, who with the order of presbyters under them, comprise a priesthood whose chief priestly duty is to feed the flock of God’s Church with the Body and Blood of Christ through the Sacrament of the Lord’s Table, a consensus shared by the Church Fathers and, as we have just seen, supported by the New Testament.

 

Turning back now to the fourth form of Apostolicity, the one emphasized by all Protestants and the only form of Apostolicity accepted by the Hyper-Protestants, this is Apostolicity of doctrine.   To the first and second generations of Church Fathers the idea that this could be separated from the Apostolic government of the Church would have been an alien idea.   The Apostles had guarded the Church against false doctrine, those who rebelled against the Apostolic teachings and government and broke away and formed their own groups were guilty of soul-damning schism and heresy, and those whom the Apostles admitted to their government as their successors were entrusted with continuing this ministry of guarding the flock against the wolves of heresy.   The formulation of the conciliar Creed in the first and second Ecumenical Councils of the fourth century was the outcome of the faithfulness of the bishops of the early centuries to this charge.   The Creed contains everything that we, faced with the challenge of liberalism in the last couple of centuries, have come to call the “fundamentals” or the “essentials” of the Faith.   The Hyper-Protestant attempt to fall back on Apostolicity of doctrine after rejecting everything else that has been regarded as essential to Apostolicity for 1500 years was doomed to fail, therefore, in that it required condemning as unfaithful to Apostolic doctrine a Church that confesses the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed confessed by all the ancient Churches.   The  truths over which the mainstream continental Reformation was fought – that the Scriptures as the written Word of God possess an infallible authority to which the Church is accountable, that salvation is a free gift given to us in Jesus Christ that we receive by faith rather than a reward that we must earn, and that as such we can be confident in our salvation rather than kept perpetually on a treadmill of good works running after a hope that is always just out of our reach like the grapes of Tantalus – are, of course, vitally important.   It was further necessary that they be re-emphasized when they were in the sixteenth century because by that time the Bishop of Rome had stooped to sending hucksters around to raise funds for his building project by literally selling salvation.   Hyper-Protestantism, however, goes beyond the Reformers’ legitimate outrage over the Bishop of Rome’s antics and how they were compromising the freedom of salvation by the grace of God  and condemns what is genuinely Catholic, in this case the Sacramental ministry of the Church’s Apostolic priesthood, shared by all the ancient pre-1500 Churches not just Rome.   There is no conflict between the Church’s Apostolic priesthood administering the grace of God through the Sacraments and the Gospel of salvation as a free gift given to us in Jesus Christ and received by faith provided it is understood that the Sacraments do the same thing as preaching the Word does, that is, brings the grace of God in the Gospel to us to be received by faith and are not “works” that we do to earn our salvation. (4)  Meanwhile, the Hyper Protestants who accuse Catholics – not just Romanists – of “works salvation”, generally teach either decisionism or Bezite theology.   Decisionism is when the Gospel is preached as a precursor to inviting people to be converted by making a decision of some sort, an act of their will, usually described in every possible way other than with the New Testament language of believing or faith.   Bezite theology (5) is the idea that God gave Jesus as a Saviour only for certain people whom He had pre-selected, that Jesus died only for those people, and that people can only know – with something less than the certainty that came with the Gospel in the doctrine of St. John (1 Jn. 5:13) and the Reformers – that they are part of the lucky few by seeing the evidence of their election in the fruit of grace in their lives, i.e., their works.    Both of these doctrines, are more serious offenses against the Gospel of God’s freely given grace in Jesus Christ and more worthy of being labelled “works salvation” than the Sacramental ministry of the Apostolic priesthood of the Catholic Church.   Hyper-Protestants, therefore, are like those hurling stones in a glass house, when they accuse Churches that confess the ancient Creeds of infidelity to Apostolic truth for teaching that God has ordained the Church, her Apostolic priesthood, and her Sacraments as means of bringing the grace of the Gospel to the faithful.

 

We turn now to the note of Unity.   We have already said much about this under the notes of Catholicity and Apostolicity.   We have seen that in the New Testament the Church was founded as a united visible society in Jerusalem, that when she was scattered in the persecution that followed after the martyrdom of St. Stephen she was still thought of as One Church.   Her members that fled to Damascus continued to meet there as the Church and the Church they met as was not thought of as a new Church distinct from that back in Jerusalem nor as being a part of the Church but as being the Church, the whole unified society, even though most of her members were elsewhere and her governors, the Apostles, were back in Jerusalem.   This way of looking at her persists throughout the New Testament.   The word Church is pluralized only when the intent is to indicate the Church in more than one location but not necessarily the whole Church in all locations.   Otherwise the Church in each location is the Church.   St. Paul never writes to “the part of the Church” that is in Galatia, Rome, etc.   He writes to the Church in each of these places as the whole society.   This will be important to remember when we come to consider what has happened to the Unity of the Church through history.

 

First, however, let us consider a few things that St. Paul has to say about the Unity of the Church.   In his epistle to the Ephesians one of the Apostle’s key themes is the “mystery” whereby in the Church, Gentiles and Jews are united into one body, and he has already discussed this at length by the time we get to the fourth chapter.   In that chapter he urges them to endeavour “to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace” (v. 3). The Holy Ghost here is shown to be the source of the unity of the Church, something that Jesus Himself had alluded to in His prayer on the night of His betrayal, and which St. Paul would immediately go on to reiterate in saying “There is one body, and one Spirit, even as ye are called in one hope of your calling” (v. 4).   The image here is of how a body and the spirit that animates a body together make up a whole person.   The Holy Ghost is the Spirit that dwells in the Body that is the Church and makes her One Body.   At this point we might recall that the ninth Article belongs to the section of the Creed that pertains to the Holy Ghost in which the Church is the first thing confessed after the direct confession of the Holy Ghost Himself.   The most important part of the ministry of the Holy Ghost is the effecting of the union of believers with Christ in His Body, the Church.

 

St. Paul proceeds to list other unities of the Church – “One Lord, one faith, one baptism, One God and Father of all, who is above all, and through all, and in you all.” (vv. 5-6).   The Holy Ghost Who indwells the Church, making her One Body, unites her with her One Lord, Jesus Christ through the one faith she confesses and the one baptism that is the visible sign of union with Christ and His Church being to the New Covenant what Circumcision was to the Old (Col. 2:11-12), and to complete the Trinitarian Unity, she is also united to her God, the Father, Who is above, through, and in her.    To complete the picture we can add to this what we have already seen how elsewhere in writing to the Corinthians Saint Paul speaks of how we are One Body because we all share in the one bread of Holy Communion.   Clearly St. Paul’s idea of the Church as the One Body of Christ is world’s removed from any notion of an invisible connection between believers as individuals whose Christianity is a “personal relationship”, i.e., one-on-one between the individual believer and Jesus Christ and is rather the Catholic view held by all the ancient pre-Reformation Churches.

 

Speaking of the ancient pre-Reformation Churches in the plural, however, brings us around to a sticky question concerning the Unity of the Church.    What are we to make of the fact that there are a plurality of Churches, each of which has organic continuity with the original Church in Jerusalem (6), each of which confesses the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed, in each of which the Gospel Sacraments are administered by a priesthood ordained and governed by bishops whose governing and priestly authority goes back to the Apostles, each of which, however, regards herself as the One Church, not in the New Testament sense that the Church in Ephesus and the Church in Colossae were each herself the One Church but not to the exclusion of the other, but in the sense of being the Catholic Church, outside of which there are no other?

 

To answer this we must consider what the New Testament has to say about schism.   Σχίσμα, to which our English word “scissors” is etymologically related, means “a cleft, rent, or division”.  It occurs in the New Testament where it is usually translated by words like “rent”, “tear” or “division” in our Authorized Bible although it is transliterated in 1 Corinthians 12:25 which speaks of ecclesiastical schism.   Ecclesiastical schism is treated very seriously in the New Testament.   It is a sin against the Unity of the Body of Christ.   There are two types of ecclesiastical schism.   These are schism within the Church, and schism from the Church.   The first is the type of schism St. Paul rebukes as having formed within the Church in Corinth.   Factions or parties had developed, each claiming to adhere to a different teacher – teachers who would have joined St. Paul in rebuking this factionalism – but it had not reached the point where anybody had left the Church.

 

It is St. John who writes about schism from the Church in his first epistle.   He does not use the word, but he describes the thing very well:

 

Little children, it is the last time: and as ye have heard that antichrist shall come, even now are there many antichrists; whereby we know that it is the last time.  They went out from us, but they were not of us; for if they had been of us, they would no doubt have continued with us: but they went out, that they might be made manifest that they were not all of us. (1 Jn. 2:18-19)

 

Obviously, this type of schism is a far more serious offense against the Unity of the Church than schism within the Church.   St. John does not write to the schismatics calling on them to repent.  He writes about the schismatics in the harshest of terms to the Church which these schismatics are no longer part of, warning the Church against them.   These schismatics were guilty, not just of schism, but of heresy – in this case the denial that Jesus is the Christ (v. 22).

 

In the earliest centuries the Church had to deal with both types of schism.   Indeed, in what is probably the earliest extra-Scriptural Christian document extent, one that was considered for a time for inclusion in the canon, St. Paul’s companion St. Clement, who was Bishop of Rome around the time St. John was finishing the New Testament canon with the Book of Revelation, wrote to the Corinthian Church to rebuke them for having taken the schism against which St. Paul had written to the extreme of deposing their ordained leaders, which St. Clement likened to the rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram against Moses in the wilderness.   Slightly over a decade later, St. Ignatius of Antioch in his epistles stressed the need for each of the Churches to which he wrote to adhere firmly and loyally to their bishop and his presbyters in order to remain true to the Apostolic faith, making the same connection between departure from the Apostolic leadership of the Church and departure from the faith that his own teacher, St. John the Apostle, had made.   A second generation disciple of St. John, St. Irenaeus of Lyon who had sat under St. Polycarp’s ministry in the Church of Smyrna, is most remembered today for his Adversus Haereses which discusses several of the heretical sects that had departed from the Church in schism in the first century and a half of Christianity.  He follows St. Justin Martyr in tracing the origins of these back to the Simon Magus who had been baptized by St. Philip in the Samaritan Church in the eighth chapter of Acts before being rebuked by St. Peter for trying to purchase the Apostolic authority.   He spells out the doctrine of Apostolic succession and closely connects it with the episcopate’s role in safeguarding the orthodoxy of the faith.

 

When the Church of Rome and the Eastern Orthodox Church excommunicated each other in the middle of the eleventh century it has ever since been called the Great Schism.   Each side regarded it as a schism from the Church rather than a schism within the Church and took the position that they were the Church and the other side was guilty of schism and now outside the Church.   An examination of the history of the Schism and the issues at stake points to the conclusion that both sides are mistaken on this, that neither side was guilty of the sort of thing St. John wrote about, both were and still are guilty of the other kind of schism, and that thus neither are the One Church in Catholic sense, both are the One Church in the non-exclusionary sense that the Church in Philippi and the Church in Thessalonica were each the One Church in the New Testament, and that their mutual excommunications of each other were on both sides an abuse of the Keys neither of which were therefore respected in Heaven.    A similar conclusion, I think can be drawn about the earlier schism between the Churches that would not agree to the Definition of Chalcedon and the Chalcedonian Churches, especially since recent dialogue has shown that the non-Chalcedonian Churches do not teach the Monophysite heresy condemned by the fouth Ecumenical Council as the Chalecedonian Churches had until recently thought they did.   With regards to the Protestant Reformation, the English Church to which I belong made every effort in her Reformation to retain the Apostolic government and priesthood and the Gospel Sacraments and not to start a secession movement from the Catholic Church but merely to no longer acknowledge the universal jurisdiction that the Bishop of Rome, contrary to the canons of the Ecumenical Councils, and the practice of the early centuries of Christianity, had usurped.   The Church of Rome’s excommunication of the English Church was, therefore, another abuse of the Keys that is not respected in Heaven and, indeed, the Roman Church was so corrupt and abusive of the Keys in the sixteenth century that all of her excommunications of the Protestants can be similarly disregarded, even though with a few exceptions, such as in the Kingdom of Sweden, the Magisterial Reformation was not conducted with such care to maintain continuity and the Apostolic order as in England, and the fanatics who declared that the Magisterial Reformation had not gone far enough and started their own sects in secessionist movements can hardly avoid the charge that they committed schism from the Church rather than within it.   The Roman Church has made arguments against the validity of the English Church’s Apostolic orders and Sacraments that have repeatedly and soundly been rebutted, although sadly, in the last century, Anglican leaders in the UK and North America have gone out of their way to undermine us as a Church by breaking from Catholic – not Roman, Catholic by St. Vincent of Lerins’ description of that which is held by the Church “everywhere, at all time, and by all” – teaching and practice in adopting liberal positions on a number of matters which all have to do with sex in one way or another – contraception, ordaining women to the priesthood and episcopate, promoting the increasingly absurd demands of the alphabet soup gang, etc.   Triumphant as the liberals seem to be in the English Church in the UK, Canada, and United States right now, as the Arians seemed to be in much of the period between the first two Ecumenical Councils in the fourth century, orthodoxy prevails in the worldwide Anglican Communion which inspires hope that it will overcome here too.

 

The English Church never claimed to be the One Church in the sense of being the Catholic Church to the exclusion of all others, merely to be what she was, the One Church in her jurisdiction in the same way the Galatian, Corinthian, Thessalonian, Churches were the One Church in theirs.  In the nineteenth century, the Reverend William Palmer explained the claims of the English Church with regards to herself and to other Churches that had the Apostolic ministry and confessed the orthodox faith in the Creed in terms of branches on a single tree.    While his Treatise on the Church of Christ (1838) was overall helpful and needed, the metaphor created the potential for confusion in that it is very similar to a metaphor used in the New Testament in regards to a different sticky aspect of the Unity of the Church.   This is the question of the relationship between Old Testament Israel and the New Testament Church.

 

This is a difficult question for a number of reasons.   Israel and the Church are described in the Bible in ways that are at times the polar opposite of each other.   Israel was a nation in the ethnic sense of the word – a people with a common bloodline, common language, common religion, etc. – that was told by God to be separate and distinct from the nations around them, to the point of wearing distinct attire and eating a distinct diet.   The Church, by contrast, is a society in which people from every tribe and nation are joined in One with no distinction between them.   These are hardly descriptions of the same thing, yet both are called the People of God, and St. Peter in his account of the Church as the People of God, written to Churches that were largely Jewish in their membership, uses the language of Old Testament Israel in a way that indicates continuity between Israel and the Church.   St. Paul also speaks of continuity between Israel and the Church when he speaks of Israel as an olive tree, from which branches – the Jews who did not believe in Jesus - were cut off and to which other branches – the Gentiles who believed in Jesus – were added, thus making the Church the continuation of Israel.   The Church therefore has to be the continuation of Israel in some sense.    She is neither something completely new, created to replace Israel after God cast her off forever in judgement for rejecting Christ, as has sometimes been taught based on the Parable of the Vineyard, nor is she one of two distinct peoples of God co-existing with the other Israel at the same time as dispensationalists teach.   Both of these extremes are precluded by St. Paul’s metaphor. 

 

If the Church is somehow a continuation of Israel, how then do we explain the fact that Jesus spoke of her in the future tense as something He would build and the New Testament seems quite clear that she began on Pentecost when the Holy Ghost came down and united the disciples with the Ascended Christ in One Body?

 

There are two aspects to the continuity of Israel and the Church.   When the Church was founded on Pentecost all of her members were Jews who believe in Jesus.  The Church’s membership consisted strictly of believing Jews until the Church in Jerusalem was scattered after St. Stephen’s martyrdom.   After this, Samaritans were added to the Church under the ministry of St. Philip, then, after the Holy Ghost sent St. Peter to preach to Cornelius the centurion, the Gentiles were added, having also received the Holy Ghost after believing and being baptized.   In this early history of the Church we can see what St. Paul was talking about with his metaphor.   The Church was formed from the believing remnant of Israel to which others were later added.   St. Paul used the metaphor to warn Gentile believers who had become the majority in the Church not to be arrogant towards the Jews.   This warning was for Gentile believers qua Gentiles, not to the Church qua Church.   This needs to be understood because all metaphors can be stretched too far.   Every time something in the Old Testament corresponds to something in the New, that which is in the Old Testament is a type and shadow of that which is in the New, which is the reality and substance.  Israel is the type and shadow, the Church is the reality and the substance.   The danger in stretching the olive tree metaphor is of reversing this.

 

The other aspect of the continuity of Israel and the Church has to do with the fact that when the Church was founded at Pentecost by the Holy Ghost uniting the disciples on earth in One Body with their head the Ascended Christ in Heaven the believers in the Old Testament, who had been retroactively redeemed by Christ in the Atonement and taken to Heaven with Him after the Harrowing of Hell (Hades), were similarly joined by the Holy Ghost to the same Church.   In the epistle to the Hebrews, St. Paul – yes, he wrote Hebrews – provides numerous examples, in the eleventh chapter, of Old Testament figures living out their faith, whom he describes at the beginning of the twelfth chapter as “so great a cloud of witnesses” to us who are running the race of faith in the present.   Later in the chapter he describes the destination of this race, the heavenly Jerusalem where the “general assembly and church of the firstborn” await “the spirits of just men made perfect” (Heb. 12:22-23).   While this might seem like an exception to what I said earlier about Ἐκκλησία never being used with the meaning of “the invisible Church” in the New Testament what we see here is not the “invisible Church” concept of theology, an aggregate of individual believers as opposed to an organized society, but the idea denoted by the expression “The Communion of Saints” in the Apostles’ Creed.  This is the ultimate meaning of Unity as it pertains to the Church.   The society Jesus Christ founded, His Church, is a visible and organized society, but is present not just on the earth visible to us, but in Heaven which is not.  (7)

 

The final note of the Church is Holiness.   This is a word that is often confused with “righteousness” and “purity”.   These words denote qualities associated with Holiness rather than Holiness itself.   The words in Greek and Latin that we translate as Holy denote being separate and apart.   To be separate and apart means that there has to be something from which you are separate and apart.   We might identify that something as sin or, if we want to be more general, that which is bad or evil, and we would not be entirely wrong but this is not the entire picture.   God is Holy.  In the hymn of the Seraphim in the sixth chapter of Isaiah, God is thrice proclaimed to be Holy.   God was Holy, however, before any part of His Creation fell into sin.   Holiness, therefore, is more than just separation from sin.   We might say that it is separation from the common and mundane.   In the case of that which is created, the separation from that is Holiness is the result of a separation unto, namely separation unto God.   God commanded the Israelites to keep the Sabbath, the seventh day, Holy.   This did not mean “don’t sin on Saturday”.  They weren’t supposed to sin any day.   It meant that they were to reserve that day for God and rest on it from that which was not sinful but appropriate to every other day, particularly work.   It is the Lord’s Day, the first day of the week, that we keep as Holy in the Church because it is the day of the Resurrection.   We keep it Holy by reserving it for meeting in the Church to worship God, hear the Word preached, and partake of the Lord’s Table.   In the Tabernacle of Israel, God ordained that various items be made and placed that were to be consecrated as Holy, which meant that they were to be used only in His service and not put to ordinary use.   In the Church we consecrate spaces, such as the buildings in which we meet, for God’s use.   When we confess that the Church is Holy in the Creed we mean that she is the society which God founded and established as His Own.   The Church, which remember means assembly or congregation, is not called to meet together for political, economic, social, or cultural reasons, although her meeting together may end up having impact in these areas, but is called together to worship God, to offer up our prayers, to hear God’s Word taught and proclaimed, and to partake of the Sacrament of the Lord’s Table.   Purity and righteousness, may, and we trust, pray, and hope will, ensue, but it is this being set apart from worldly – even in the non-morally negative sense of the word – ends, and being set apart unto God, and of course in her being indwelt by the Holy Ghost in which the Church’s Holiness lies.

 

 

 

 

(1)     This alternate image of the Church as the future Bride of Christ is found in prophetic passages and parables in St. Matthew’s Gospel and the book of Revelation.   The passages in St. Paul that use similar marriage imagery speak of the present relationship between Christ and His Church.

(2)     There is a textual discrepancy here with some manuscripts containing the singular.

(3)     That it is to the New Testament, where the substantial is to be found, rather than the shadowy types of the Old Testament, that we must look to understand the true nature of priesthood is a point stressed by R. C. Moberly in Ministerial Priesthood: Chapters (Preliminary to a Study of the Ordinal) On the Rationale of Ministry and the Meaning of Christian Priesthood, 1910.

(4)     For a good explanation of how the Sacraments do this see Francis Pieper, Christian Dogmatics, Volume III, 1953, in particular the section entitled “The Means of Grace”, pp. 101-219, and the follow up sections on “Law and Gospel”, pp. 220-252, “Holy Baptism”, pp. 253-289, and “The Lord’s Supper”, pp. 290-393.    Or if you prefer a shorter version you can check out John Theodore Mueller’s work of the same title, published as a one volume epitome of Pieper’s in 1936 almost two decades before the English version of Pieper’s was available (the original German had been published from 1917-1924).   Franz Pieper had been professor of theology and president of Concordia Theological Seminary and a past president of the Missouri Synod of the Lutherans.   This work’s influence in the Missouri Synod may help explain their unusual success in combatting liberalism in the last century.   Being German Lutheran rather than Scandanavian Lutheran it is very deficient in its ecclesiology, but is excellent in its soteriology.

(5)     What I have here called Bezite theology is more commonly known as “Calvinism”.   Those who teach this sort of theology are more properly the disciples of Theodore Beza, however, than of John Calvin.   While Calvin had a strong view of election and predestination is predicated on God’s choice rather than anything in us he taught that God worked His purposes in election through the means of a Gospel which proclaimed to everybody that God had given them a Saviour in Jesus and that Jesus had died for them.   He warned that that it was dangerous to consider election except by looking at Christ and that looking for proof of election in ourselves was the road to perdition. He told people worried about whether they were part of God’s elect to look to Christ and they would see their election reflected back in Him as a mirror.  (Institutes of the Christian Religion, III.24.v) 

(6)     The Church was founded as a community in Jerusalem.  When her members were scattered, wherever they found themselves they continued to meet as the Church, and thus those meetings in other places were the Church in organic continuity with the Church in Jerusalem, the same society now meeting elsewhere whether other members were joined to her in the same way as they originally had been in Jerusalem.   This is what is meant by organic continuity.   It means that the society is organically the same as the original.  This is a distinct concept from Apostolic succession although the two are related.   Apostolic succession is the admission of others to the governing authority originally held by the Apostles by those to whom it had already been passed on from the Apostles.   Apostolic succession is organic continuity as it pertains to the governing order of the Church rather than as it pertains to the society as a whole. Apostolic succession has generally stood for both meanings throughout Church history because there cannot be Apostolic succession where organic continuity of the Church is absent and so Apostolic succession guarantees organic continuity.

(7)     “No such antithetic contrast between the visible Church and an invisible one made up of the elect can be found in the New Testament.  The elect are there repeatedly identified with the baptized members of the visible Church (Eph. 1:4-6; Col. 3:12; 1 Thess. 1:4,; 1 Pet. 1:2; 2:9; 5:13), and the application of the term “Church” to those who attain to the heavenly Jerusalem (Heb. 12:22-23) plainly does not denote another Church, separable from the visible Church, but (like the local applications above mentioned) is a relative and analogical designation of an assembly yonder that is a true part and embodiment of the universal Church.   That not all those who now belong to the visible Church will enter the heavenly Jerusalem is plainly set forth in Scripture (Heb. 6:4-6; cf. Matt. 13:24-30, 41-42; John 15:6; 1 Cor. 9:27; Phil. 2:12; 1 Pet. 4:17-18), but the explanation lies in their being cut off from the Church because of their incurable wickedness, not in there being a separate ekklesia, with other than baptismal conditions of admission.   In later parlance, the Church “militant,”, “expectant,” and “triumphant” is one ekklesia, into which entrance is obtained by Baptism, from which obstinate sinners will be finally cut off, and the perfection of which is realized in its triumphant part and stage in Heaven (Eph. 5:25-23; Rev. 19:7-9).   Francis J. Hall, Anglican Dogmatics, Vol. II, 2021, p. 316.  This is a condensed 2 volume edition of what was originally published in ten volumes as Dogmatic Theology from 1907-1922, the condensing being done by John A. Porter.  It was published by Nashotah House Press.   This is an unusual work in that in the Anglican tradition works that cover multiple doctrines tend to take the form of commentaries on either the Creed or the Articles of Religion and when they do take this format are seldom called Dogmatics  or Dogmatic Theology for which Dogmatics is short.   Dogmatic Theology is the term preferred in continental Europe and the languages spoken there – Pieper’s Christian Dogmatics referenced in footnote 3, vide supra, was originally written in German - for what is usually called Systematic Theology in English, although there has been a recent tendency to avoid using either “Systematic” or “Dogmatic”, presumably with “Theology” being the next word to be dropped. Hall's Anglican Dogmatics is a good complement to Pieper's Lutheran one, being very strong in the area where Pieper is weak.