Hoist with His Own Petard

On July 28, 1794, the guillotine claimed the life of Maximilien de Robespierre. As a leader of the Jacobin Club, he had helped orchestrate the French Revolution, been one of the most vocal supporters of the murders of King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette, and, as a member of the Committee of Public Safety, had been the chief architect of the Reign of Terror. The poetic justice with which he fell victim to the same gruesome fate he had decreed for others is best captured in the words that William Shakespeare famously put in the mouth of his Danish prince Hamlet in reference to his plan to turn the order for his execution which Rosencrantz and Guildenstern were bearing from Claudius into their own death warrant, which words I have made the title of this piece. (1)

The same phrase can also be fittingly applied to what Justin “Peoplekind” Trudeau is now undergoing. Justin Trudeau, ever since he used his last name and looks to easily defeat the four women, each far more qualified for the job than himself, who ran against him in the 2013 leadership race for the Liberal Party of Canada, has marketed himself as a male feminist. He has certainly shown himself to have the feminist aptitude for totalitarian thought control. A year before the 2015 Dominion election that put the Liberals back in power he whipped his party, good and hard, declaring that the debate on abortion was over and that from now on the Liberals would accept no new candidates with pro-life views, and that sitting Liberal pro-lifers would be made to vote against their consciences. In power, he has declared pro-life views to be against Canadian values and has cut off access to government funding of summer jobs for students to employers unwilling to attest their agreement with the pro-abortion position. An endless display of feminist posturing has characterized the second Trudeau premiership from the day he announced his gender-balanced Cabinet. Needless to say, when the #Me Too Movement sprung up like a poisonous toadstool from the putrid manure that was all that was left of the reputation of Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein, Trudeau was in seventh heaven over the opportunities it afforded him to signal to his crowd of adoring, empty-headed, left-wing sycophants his feminist virtues. He took every chance he could get to remind us of his government’s zero-tolerance policy regarding sexual misconduct and to lecture Canadians, and indeed, the entire world, on how we should be following his holy example. Sexual harassment is a serious matter, he insisted, and allegations need to be investigated no matter how long after the fact they happen to be made. “When women speak up”, he said, “it is our duty to listen to them and believe them.”

Then an eighteen year old editorial from a B.C. newspaper called the Creston Valley Advance resurfaced It appears that while Trudeau was in British Columbia in 2000, raising funds for his winter sports safety campaign in honour of the younger brother he had lost in an avalanche two years previously, he attended a beer and music festival got wasted, and groped a female reporter to whom, the next day when he had presumably sobered up, he offered the interesting apology of “I’m sorry, if I had known you were reporting for a national newspaper I never would have been so forward.”

As the flock of groupies in the progressive press that only a short time ago would swoon at the very mention of his name transformed overnight into a pack of wolves howling for his blood with fangs bared, it has been highly entertaining, to say the least, watching Trudeau try to squirm his way out of the hole he has dug himself into. Everything he has said, from his non-acknowledgement of any “negative interaction” to his bizarrely worded recollection of giving the “apology in the moment” has only made things worse for him, especially as it becomes obvious that he will not be holding himself to the same merciless standard that he has held other members of his party, despite his repeated assurances that he would do so if allegations were ever made against him.

Most recently, the Prime Minister in a desperate attempt to shift the focus off of himself, has tried to turn the scandal into a teaching moment for the rest of us about some supposed “awakening that we’re having as a society.” As it so happens, I agree that there is a lesson for us in all of this, but it is not the lesson that Trudeau wants to teach.

Decades ago, before the revived feminist movement of the post-World War II era poisoned all interaction between the sexes, men would occasionally make unwelcome passes at women. At the time it was called “getting fresh” and women were quite capable of dealing with it without hiring a lawyer, running to the courts, and making a federal case out of it. Depending upon the woman the method might involve a slap or a drink to the face, a bonk on the head with a handbag, umbrella or whatever accessory happened to be convenient, or one of many other variations on this theme. This worked because, at the time, society operated on the principle of acknowledging and respecting the differences between the sexes rather than that of the unattainable ideal of sexual equality. The rules, therefore, which forbade men to ever hit women, allowed women this particular show of force which was quite effective at deterring and correcting inappropriate behaviour and also at sifting out those who could be so deterred and corrected from the much smaller number of genuinely criminal sexual predators who could not.

Feminism, which insisted that society reorganize itself in accordance with the ideal of sexual equality, demanded that all spaces from which the fairer sex had traditionally been excluded, from private clubs to men’s locker rooms, but especially workplaces, be thrown open to women. Beginning with the United States in 1964, foolish Western governments began to pass draconian laws which placed the onus of proof upon employers, landlords, and businesses accused of the crimethink of discrimination. It was the father of the alleged Kokanee Groper, a man who never met a Communist tyrant that he did not admire and adulate, who introduced ours in 1977. Faced with the threat of crippling lawsuits in which all the cards are stacked against them, most employers opted for a gender-balanced workplace.

Now that every workplace was going co-ed, the feminists decided that with this exponential increase in the opportunities for men to “get fresh” with the ladies, a new set of rules for the workplace was in order. Judging from the rules themselves, it seems as if a committee consisting of hatchet-faced harpies jealous of women who actually get hit on, stuck up knockouts who get offended at even the most politely worded attention from men who are not in their league, man-hating lesbians who consider all heterosexual relations to be rape, and various and sundry other stripes of sex-hating, neo-Puritan, control freaks was patched together to draw them up. What the rules basically amounted to was “no getting fresh”, except that “getting fresh” was replaced with the colder, more sterile, technical phrase “sexual harassment.” The new phrase, while for the most part used to mean the same thing as the old, is much broader in scope. Any acknowledgement of having noticed a woman’s sex that is not welcomed by the woman herself could potentially fall under the umbrella of “sexual harassment.” (2) Indeed, even if the woman does welcome the acknowledgement of her sex it could potentially be considered “sexual harassment” since the rules allow for third-party accusations. With the new terminology came an upgrade in the seriousness of the offence. No longer was the old slap in the face sufficient – the offender had to be charged, dragged before a human rights court, re-educated with sensitivity training – a far more cruel and inhumane punishment than a blow to the face – and perhaps face the complete and utter loss of career, reputation, and family. Feminism’s new rules quickly spread from the workplace to the campus and throughout all of society.

As if this were not already bad enough, more recently feminists, including, as we have seen, Trudeau himself, have been insisting that women who make accusations of inappropriate sexual behaviour have a right to be believed. Such a right cannot be squared with the legal right of those accused of offences to be presumed innocent until proven guilty. The latter right is fundamental to our system of justice. The supposed right of women to be believed is not. It is also nonsense. Nobody has a right to be believed, people establish their credibility by proving themselves to be honest, reliable and trustworthy. That a sizable percentage of rape accusations prove, upon investigation, to be false is a well-established fact (3) and it is highly unlikely that this percentage decreases when all allegations of sexual misconduct are taken into consideration. Here, as with a woman’s supposed right to have an abortion, “women’s rights” does not mean the guaranteeing to women of the same basic civil rights as men, but the granting to them of special, exclusive rights, that take away from more basic, established rights that have long been the property of all – the right to life, the right of presumption of innocence. Far from being the social “justice” its advocates claim it to be, feminism is a form of injustice that is irreconcilably hostile to the most basic rights and freedoms of our country, that is to say, the Common Law rights and freedoms that were part of the Canadian heritage long before the Charter of which the Trudeau Liberals are so undeservingly proud was ever inked.

The lesson, to be learned from all of this, is that women were quite capable of dealing with fresh men long before feminism made sexual harassment into a political issue, that the old way of dealing with it was far superior to the Stalinist-lite method preferred by feminists, that we as a society ought to have run as fast as we could in the opposite direction when a movement with “the personal is the political” as its slogan arose, and that we should repudiate the legacy of the sixties and go back to allowing women to be women, and men to be men.

It is highly unlikely, of course, that Justin Trudeau will ever learn that lesson. If, however, the young lady reporter eighteen years ago, had thrown a beer in his face, slapped him silly, or whacked him with her tape recorder, rather than written him up in an editorial, he would not be in the mess he is in today. Heck, he would probably be a better person today for it.

(1) In contemporary English it could be alliteratively and more or less literally rendered as “blown up by his own bomb.” This just doesn’t have the same ring as the Bard’s original wording, however.

(2) Technically, the rules are supposed to apply to both sexes, but in practice they have been enforced primarily against men.

(3) See KC Johnston and Stuart Taylor Jr., The Campus Rape Frenzy: The Attack on Due Process at America’s Universities, (New York: Encounter Books, 2017).

"And women rule over them"

Sex Trouble: Essays on Radical Feminism and the War Against Human Nature, by Robert Stacy McCain, Createspace, 2015, pp. 118, $16.37 CDN

Sexual Utopia In Power, by F. Roger Devlin, San Francisco, Counter-Currents Publishing Ltd., 2015, pp. 176, $25.32 CDN

Almost a decade ago I realized that if I wished to effectively and intelligently oppose feminism that I would need to read what the leading feminists had to say for themselves, their ideology, and their movement. I therefore devoted several months to reading the texts of Simone de Beauvoir, Betty Friedan, Germaine Greer, Naomi Wolfe, Kate Millett, Susan Brownmiller, and several other feminist luminaries. It was an enlightening experience, in one sense of the word, but also a dark and disturbing one, and one that I would not wish upon anyone else. I therefore see a great need for good books, written by those who have done this kind of research, so that others can be spared that sort of agony.

Robert Stacy McCain’s Sex Trouble is one such book. In his introduction he tells us that he has not yet completed the research project that produced this book and that it is therefore a preview of a larger book yet to come. I look forward to the final product but in the meantime what he has published is a penetrating look at the ideology beneath radical feminism and how completely out of sync with human nature it really is despite the astonishing amount of influence and power this totalitarian movement holds, especially on college and university campuses.

There are many women who consider themselves to be feminists, who identify feminism with the idea that women should be treated fairly, and who reason that because they are not angry lesbians who hate all men that those who are belong to a radical fringe and are not representative of the feminist movement. Addressing this naivety, McCain demonstrates that the kind of feminists he is talking about are the ones who created and shaped the movement, whose books are the texts taught in “Women’s Studies” courses in universities, and the sources cited in feminist journals. These feminists consider heterosexuality itself to be a form of oppression imposed upon women by the evil male power structure they call the patriarchy. Having so politicized their personal problems with men as to be able to hold such a ridiculous belief, they seem oblivious to the fact that it conflicts with the reality that our species relies upon heterosexuality to survive. From this starting point, these feminists interpret expressions of male heterosexuality as sexual harassment at best and rape at worst, and see lesbianism as the true expression of female sexuality.

One of the chapters in this book, apart from an introductory and concluding paragraph, consists entirely of quotes from major feminist leaders such as Kate Millett, Audre Lorde, Marilyn Frye, Monique Wittig, and Judith Butler as to how the family is an institution of patriarchal oppression, rape is an instrument whereby men collectively wage terrorism against women, and heterosexuality is an oppressive system into which women are coerced. To be able to accept such ideas, of course, one’s mind must be seriously damaged or diseased, and we are given details in several places throughout Sex Trouble about Kate Millett’s public breakdown and her family’s attempts to have her committed, Shulamith Firestone’s schizophrenia, and the similar psychological problems of several other feminist leaders.

The fruit of these ideas can be very creepy. In one essay McCain discusses feminists who wish to introduce gender studies classes into public high schools, quoting one who tweeted her enthusiasm for a study encouraging early sex education while elsewhere testifying as to how Women’s Studies recruited her into lesbianism. In a kind of twisted irony, in the next essay he tells us about a paper by Karin Martin and Emily Kazyak condemning G-rated children’s movies for instilling heterosexuality in children.

McCain does an excellent job of informing us about the lunacy of the Rita Mae Brown style lesbian feminism that reigns supreme in academia today. F. Roger Devlin’s Sexual Utopia in Power is more about the Helen Gurley Brown type of feminism which may very well be the more dangerous type. In this collection of essays that had previously been published in such venues as The Occidental Quarterly, The Last Ditch, and American Renaissance, Devlin starts from the basic biological premise that because the female is the sex that produces larger gametes in smaller numbers and the male is the sex that produces smaller gametes in larger numbers and more frequently, “women are the limiting factor in human reproduction”, which means that they have more natural power in the mating process. “The universal law of nature is that males display and females choose”. From this he introduces the concept of the sexual utopia, the hypothetical ideal fantasy for either sex. For a man this involves being able to have any woman he wants with ease rather than having to put so much effort into impressing the girl enough to be chosen. For a woman, however, her sexual utopia is to find the perfect man and have him exclusively to herself.

Devlin is a traditionalist who believes in monogamous marriage and the patriarchal family. He takes issue, however, with many – perhaps most – traditionalists, who would place the blame for the sexual revolution and the breakdown of the traditional family solely upon men and their attempt to fulfil the male sexual utopia. This, he argues, ironically draws these traditionalists into affinity with the feminists who, of course, always blame men for everything. He argues that in actuality, it is the women, who hold the power when it comes to mating, and their attempt to achieve the female sexual utopia, who are the most guilty. Indeed, against the widely held idea that marriage exists to keep men in line and protect women from the predatory aspects of male nature, he argues that marriage exists at least as much to protect men from the negative side of female nature.

If it is nature's way that women do the choosing, they will seek to choose the best mate possible. Monogamy helps to ensure that mates will be available to most men by preventing women from congregating in harems around the few men at the top of the hierarchy of sexual desirability. When monogamy breaks down, Devlin argues, the latter happens, and the so-called "sexual harassment" that feminists complain about, usually consists of nothing more than normal expressions of sexual interest on the part of lower status men. Furthermore, since no real man can live up to the ideal of the perfect man that women concoct for themselves, they are easily disillusioned and dissatisfied. They translate their disillusionment into accusations of heinous wrongdoing against their men when they want out of a relationship, which judging from the statistics Devlin points to as to the extremely high percentage of divorces initiated by women, is quite often, giving the lie to the commonly held notion that women are naturally faithful and monogamous. They are aided and abetted by a legal system that is slanted in their favour, which evicts men from their homes and the lives of their children without a hearing upon the mere say-so of a woman. Since it is hardwired into female nature to be attracted to men with more wealth, power, and status than themselves, the fact that women have property and careers of their own only makes the problem worse because it raises the bar for men who are treated with scorn and contempt if they fail to make the grade.

In reading Devlin’s book I was constantly reminded of Dr. Johnson’s remark that “nature has given women so much power that the law has very wisely given them little” and Stephen Leacock’s “women need not more freedom but less.”

The feminism that is at work in all of this is not so much the recruiting lesbianism of university campuses that McCain discusses, but the heterosexual feminism of Cosmopolitan. This feminism promises women “you can have it all”, i.e., a glamorous career, the man of your dreams, whatever you want, encouraging them to dream impossible dreams and to dump men the moment they fail to make these dreams come true. It is only aided, in its work of divorcing women from reality and responsibility, Devlin tells us, by that expression of the male protective instinct in which men shoulder all the blame for female wrongdoing themselves, while placing woman up on a pedestal as a model of virtue, seemingly untouched by Original Sin.

If you are seeking eye-opening information about the powerful phenomenon of our times that is feminism but do not wish to open your soul to the spiritual darkness found on every page of feminist writings, then these two books will be of benefit to you.