The Canadian Red Ensign

The Canadian Red Ensign
Showing posts with label James R. White. Show all posts
Showing posts with label James R. White. Show all posts

Friday, August 11, 2023

Be a Protestant BUT NOT A NUT!

 

I have borrowed the title of this essay, mutatis mutandis, from that of the fourth chapter in Dr. John R. Rice’s book I Am a Fundamentalist (1975).   Dr. Rice wrote that book in the midst of the “second-degree separation” controversy that was dividing fundamentalist against fundamentalist in the 1970s.   It was his answer to those fundamentalists who were on the side of “second-degree separation”.   The chapter in question addresses the issue of riding hobby-horses.   To give an example, he wrote "Some people are strong against apostasy and modernism, but they think a man a modernist if he gives a Christmas present or sends a Christmas greeting card, or observes Easter Sunday and preaches on the resurrection”.   I know just such a nut, although he probably considers himself a charismatic rather than a fundamentalist.   Another example was “There are others who think one is a modernist if he doesn’t drink carrot juice, eat whole wheat bread and wheat germ, if he doesn’t abstain from pork and coffee”.   Personally, I’d be more inclined to think someone a modernist if he did those things, rather than didn’t do them.   At any rate, I describe my position as orthodox rather than fundamentalist.   Doctrinally, the ancient Creeds are the litmus test of orthodoxy, rather than a list of five fundamentals drawn up in the last century.   Since all the fundamentals of fundamentalism are included in the Creeds, orthodoxy can be said to be more than fundamentalism, not less.   With regards to practice, the biggest distinction between orthodoxy and fundamentalism is that orthodoxy rejects the idea of withdrawing from the Church because of error, doctrinal or moral, which idea is historically associated with the heresies of Novatianism and Donatism.   In orthodoxy, separation from heresy and apostasy takes the form of excommunicating the heretics and apostates and the right way of dealing with institutional error is that of a reconquista rather than an exodus.  That having been said, I think the distinction Dr. Rice made between his brand of fundamentalism – I would say that if all fundamentalist Baptists were like him it would be a much better movement except that the biggest problem with Baptist fundamentalism is that most fundamental Baptist preachers are would-be John R. Rices who are pale imitations at best -  almost caricatures – and the kooks, can be applied to Protestants and Hyper-Protestants.

 

On the one hand there is Protestantism.  On the other hand there is Hyper-Protestantism.   Protestantism is good.  Hyper-Protestantism is bad.   The word “Catholic” is a useful shibboleth for distinguishing between a Protestant and a Hyper-Protestant.   “Catholic” is a bad word to the Hyper-Protestant who uses it to mean everything he thinks Protestantism opposes.   The English and Lutheran Reformers never used “Catholic” in this way.   They referred to the errors against which they “protested” as “Romish” or “popish” to indicate that these were recent errors and errors which belonged to a particular Church, the Church governed by the Patriarch of Rome, rather than the Catholic Church, the whole of the Christian Church including all Churches governed by Apostolic bishops.   Indeed, the Patriarch of Rome’s claim to have the supreme governorship over the entire Church, a claim rejected by the Churches under the other Patriarchs since Patristic days, is one of the errors of Rome against which the Reformers protested.   Calling the Roman Church the Catholic Church is tantamount to accepting that error.   Some Protestants today have fallen into the habit of using Catholic for the Roman Church and its members, not out of Hyper-Protestantism but out of the idea that it is respectful to call people what they call themselves.   This is the same flawed reasoning that some use to justify using a person’s stated preference in pronouns rather than those which correspond to that person’s biological sex.   In both cases truth is what one ends up sacrificing in the name of being polite.   Protestants who use Catholic to mean “Roman Catholic” for this reason can usually be distinguished from Hyper-Protestants in that they do not speak the word as if it were a swear word in the way Hyper-Protestants do.

 

Catholic, an intensified compound version of the Greek word for “whole” has been used since at least the beginning of the second century when St. Ignatius of Antioch used it in his Epistle to the Smyrnaeans, to mean the Church in its entirety, the Church everywhere as opposed to the Church in just one location, the Church in Rome, for example, or the Church in Smyrna.   The Catholic faith is the faith confessed by all orthodox Christians, in all orthodox Churches, everywhere, the faith confessed in the Creed.   The Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed has the best right to be called the Catholic Creed in that it was accepted by all the ancient Churches before there was any break in fellowship between them and is still accepted by them today, the dispute over the wording that divided East from West notwithstanding.   This Creed was developed by the first two Ecumenical Councils – Councils to which the government of the entire Church, everywhere was invited to participate – in the fourth century, taking an earlier, local form of the Creed, as its template.   The shorter but similarly worded Apostles’ Creed, developed out of the form of the Creed used by the Church in Rome in baptisms at least as early as the second century.   The similarity between the two suggests that the forms out of which both were developed were themselves versions of an earlier template that most likely goes back to the Apostles.  Hints of such a form that pre-dated the writing of the New Testament are dropped from time to time by St. Paul in his epistles and this would explain the antiquity of the origin story from which the Apostles’ Creed derives its name, the origin story being basically true, but referring to the earliest form of the Creed, from which multiple local versions were derived, two of which eventually became the Apostles’ and Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creeds.   In the fifth century, after the third Ecumenical Council but before the fourth, in the period when the fellowship of the ancient Churches was first broken, St. Vincent, a monk in Lerins Abbey on one of the islands of the same name off the coast of the French Riviera, wrote his Commonitorium under the pseudonym “Peregrinus” in which he explored the question of how to distinguish true Catholic doctrine from heresy, famously stating that in the Catholic Church care must be taken to “hold that faith which has been believed everywhere, always, and by all”.   He is often said to have proposed three tests of Catholicity, but in actuality he proposed four.   The first test is that the doctrine must be derived from the Holy Scriptures.   This first Catholic principle of St. Vincent is identical to the first principle of Protestantism.   The other three tests pertain to the interpretation of Scripture and they are universality (an interpretation is not Catholic if it is only found in one region of the Church), antiquity (an interpretation is not Catholic if it does not go back to the earliest centuries of the Church but is instead of late origin and contained within a particular timespan rather than being taught in all times of the Church) and consent (formal acknowledgement by the authorities of the Church, preferably at the Ecumenical level).

 

None of the doctrines that the early Reformers, English and Lutheran, protested against in the teachings of the Church of Rome are affirmed as articles of faith in the Creed, Apostles’ or Nicene-Constantinopolitan.   With one possible exception, none of the practices of the Roman Church that these Reformers objected to can withstand the Vincentian tests.  

 

We shall return to that possible exception momentarily.   First I wish to observe that Hyper-Protestantism gets the word Protestant as wrong as it gets the word Catholic.   Most Hyper-Protestants use the word Protestant as if the word were synonymous with “Calvinist”.   This is true even of many Hyper-Protestants who would object to being called Calvinists themselves on the grounds that they are Arminians.    Arminianism is to Calvinism what heresy is to orthodox Christianity in general, a defective form.     Of course, what I am calling Calvinism here is not actually Calvinism in the sense of “the teachings of John Calvin”.   John Calvin himself was closer to Lutheranism than to what has been called Calvinism since the seventeenth century.   Dr. Luther would not appreciate hearing that not only because he regarded Calvin’s view of the Eucharist as rank heresy but also because he objected to a movement being named after him in the first place.     Calvin, however, as is clear from his writings, was Lutheran in his views of the extent of the Atonement and assurance of salvation, rather than Calvinist.  John Calvin was to Lutheranism, what Jacob Arminius and his followers were to Calvinism, which ought to be called either Bezism or Dortism, after its true fathers, Theodore Beza and the Reformed Synod of Dort.   Protestant, however, is the general term for all the Christians who threw off the usurped supremacy of the Patriarch of Rome in the sixteenth century.   In the best sense of the word, it is defined only by the doctrines that set the earliest and most conservative of the Reformers apart from Rome rather than by doctrines distinctive of any of the more specific traditions that emerged from the Reformation.   If we have to define Protestantism by the doctrines of a specific tradition, Lutheranism has a better claim to being that tradition than Calvinism, being the original Protestant tradition of which John Calvin’s Calvinism was a deviation, from which deviation Theodore Beza and the Synod of Dort further deviated with their “Calvinism”, of which Arminianism is a yet further deviation.

 

The doctrines of the general Reformation, that is to say what the Reformers positively affirmed rather than merely what they denied in Rome’s teachings, are today commonly summed up in the five solae – sola Scriptura, sola gratia, sola fide, solus Christus, soli Deo Gloria. This is not the best formulation, in my opinion.   It does not date to the Reformation itself, but only to the last century.   It is a Calvinist formulation.   One of the most important teachings of the Reformers is missing from it.   Sola Scriptura can be easily misinterpreted to mean something that Dr. Luther and the English Reformers would have found abhorrent, i.e., the idea that the Bible can and should be privately interpreted in isolation from tradition and the Church.   The other solas can be summed up in a single doctrine – the freeness of salvation as the gift of God.   If I were to come up with a formula summarizing the doctrines of the general Reformation it would be:

 

-          The supremacy of Scripture as the written Word of God

-          The freeness of salvation as the gift of God

-          The Gospel is the assurance of salvation to all who believe it

 

The last of these was absolutely essential to the Reformation.   It was the search for such that led Dr. Luther to the Pauline epistles on justification and to oppose the carrot-on-a-stick approach coupled with the outright sale of salvation to which Rome had stooped at that point in time.   John Calvin was as one with Dr. Luther on this.   Those who would later call themselves “Calvinists” were and are not in accord with either Luther or Calvin but actually offend against this truth worse than Rome.   In their theology the Gospel cannot assure anyone of salvation because Jesus came only to save a handful of pre-selected individuals.   Nobody can really know that he is among the chosen few.   He must constantly look for evidence of his regeneration in his own works, but can draw no lasting comfort, because if he falls away it will demonstrate he was not really regenerate, which remains a possibility until the very end of his life.   Consider what such “Calvinists” as John Piper and John F. MacArthur Jr. have to say about assurance of salvation today.   Both take the position that the Gospel cannot fully assure those who believe it of their own salvation because they must prove their faith to be real to themselves by finding evidence of it in their works, a position explicitly condemned by both Dr. Luther and John Calvin, and solidly rejected in the Lutheran tradition to this day.   MacArthur, who has been unsound on all sorts of other matters, including at one point a key element of Nicene Christology, wrote not one, not two, but three books arguing this point, proving only that he wouldn’t be able to tell the Law from the Gospel if the difference between the two were to take anthropomorphic form and walk up and smack him upside the head.   Piper is more subtle, like the serpent in the Garden.   He merely slips nuggets of the faith-based-on-works error such as “assurance is partially based on objective evidences for Christian truth” into presentations that contain a lot of sounder statements.   The Reformation truth is that while faith is accompanied by the repentance that the Law works in us by convicting us of our sin and by the works that spring from the Christian love worked in us by the love of God received through faith, these accompanying things are not part of the basis of faith which rests on nothing but the Gospel, the objective message that Jesus Christ, the Son of God, has saved all who believe in Him by dying for their sins on the Cross and rising from the dead, which message is proclaimed both in Word and Sacrament, and that the faith that rests on that objective Truth is itself the subjective experience of assurance of salvation.   The subjective experience, faith which is assurance (Heb. 11:1), must rest entirely on the solid rock of what is objective, the Gospel, for if it rests partly on that solid rock, and partly on grounds that are themselves subjective, our experiences and works, it will be most unstable indeed.   The Hyper-Protestant Puritanism, that in addition to being regicidal, tyrannical, and opposed to all joy, defected from Calvin’s teachings in precisely this way, and one of its fruit, alongside the evils of the Modern Age – liberalism, Communism, and Americanism – was a psychologically, emotionally, and spiritually crippling dearth of assurance and plague of despair.

 

Nothing in these basic truths of the Reformation conflicts with anything in the Creed.    Nor do they conflict with the teachings, practices, and forms of worship common to all the ancient Churches, i.e., the Catholic tradition.   They place Protestantism in opposition to such late Medieval Roman doctrines as human merit, supererogatory works (the idea that someone other than Jesus can do works over and above what is required of him and so contribute to someone else’s salvation), and the whole general impression Rome was giving that salvation was a reward for dotting all your is and crossing all your ts, but not with the Catholic faith held throughout the Church everywhere, in all ages, since the Apostles.   Basic Protestantism, therefore, is in conflict with Romanism not Catholicism, and since the Catholic faith of the Creed is the basic Christian faith, to be a good Protestant, one must first be a Catholic.   The essential distinction between Hyper-Protestantism and Protestantism is that Hyper-Protestantism opposes what is Catholic and not merely Roman.

 

I do not mean that Hyper-Protestantism rejects the Creed, necessarily, although Hyper-Protestants generally do not hold to the necessity of organizational and organic continuity with the Apostolic Church in Jerusalem, making it rather difficult for them to confess the ninth Article about the “Holy Catholick Church”, at least with a sense that would have been recognized by any Christian anywhere prior to the Reformation.   What I mean is that Hyper-Protestants reject the Catholic tradition wholesale except for elements that they cannot deny are Scriptural.   If there is a traditional practice of the Roman Church that the Hyper-Protestant cannot find a Scriptural text that says you must do it this way, the Hyper-Protestant will say that you must not do it that way, even if there is no Scriptural text forbidding it, and every other ancient Church does it that way, not just the Roman.   This is called the regulative principle.   Although it appears in most of the important Calvinist confessions, it was actually far more typical of Zwingli’s approach than of Calvin’s.   Indeed, while Zwingli had already been practicing it in Zurich for about half a decade before the rise of Anabaptism, the movement of Continental Hyper-Protestant schismatics who took their cue from Zwingli rather than Luther and Calvin but whose radicalism brought about a break with all of the Magisterial Reformers including Zwingli himself, it was the Anabaptists who first articulated it as a stated principle.  It was Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren, an Anabaptist sect who raised it in arguing for the Anabaptist position on baptism, the argument going that because there is no specific command to baptize infants in the New Testament it must therefore be prohibited.   Grebel pointed to Tertullian, the second to third century apologist, as having taught the regulative principle.  Since it only appeared in Tertullian’s writings after he joined the ultra-rigid Montanists towards the end of his life, this was not exactly a good argument for the principle.   Especially since it is impossible to reconcile that principle with the doctrine of Christian liberty taught by St. Paul in his epistles.

 

The opposite of the regulative principle it the normative principle.   In its simplest, this is the idea that if the Scripture does not forbid you to do something, you are permitted to do it.   There is obviously no conflict between this principle and the Pauline doctrine of Christian liberty.   It can, however, depending upon how it is interpreted in its implications, conflict with the Pauline doctrine of orderly worship and conduct in the Church.   One version of the normative principle, primarily associated with evangelical and especially charismatic worship in the twentieth century, is the idea of eliminating all or almost all formal structure and allowing everyone from the preacher to those providing the music to the congregants in the pew to each do his own thing as he thinks the Holy Ghost is leading.   This sounds like a recipe of chaos and in some instances this is exactly what it produces.   More often, however, the result in practice is that the worship service ends up resembling a performance at a theatre, an evening in a night club, or some other secular activity that in no way resembles a Church service.

 

By contrast there is the version of the normative principle employed by Dr. Luther and the English Reformers.   In this version, the normative principle was applied to the pre-Reformation tradition of the Church and whatever in that tradition was not found to be prohibited by Scripture or to otherwise contradict Scripture was maintained.   This is what is most consistent with both the Pauline doctrine of Christian liberty and the Pauline doctrine of orderly worship and conduct.   In the Anglican Church’s Thirty-Nine Articles of Religion (1571) it is spelled out in Article XX “Of the Authority of the Church” which reads:

 

The Church hath power to decree Rites or Ceremonies, and authority in Controversies of Faith: And yet it is not lawful for the Church to ordain any thing that is contrary to God’s Word written, neither may it so expound one place of Scripture, that it be repugnant to another. Wherefore, although the Church be a witness and a keeper of holy Writ, yet, as it ought not to decree any thing against the same, so besides the same ought it not to enforce any thing to be believed for necessity of Salvation.

 

In the Lutheran Book of Concord it is found in Lutheranism’s Augsburg Confession (1530) in Article XV “Of Ecclesiastical Usages” in the first section of the Article:

 

Of Usages in the Church they teach that those ought to be observed which may be observed without sin, and which are profitable unto tranquillity and good order in the Church, as particular holy days, festivals, and the like.

 

Put into practice, the result was that those things which the Anglican Church and the Lutherans rejected were Roman, that is to say, distinctive of the Roman Church after the Great Schism and often quite later than that, whereas those things which were retained were Catholic, that is, common to all the ancient Church – the Church of Rome, the other four ancient Patriarchates in the Eastern Orthodox Church, and even the Assyrian and Oriental Orthodox Churches the fellowship of which with the larger Church was broken beginning in the fifth century AD.   In the Lutheran and Anglican traditions, Protestantism is a Reformed Catholicism, not the wholesale rejection of Catholicism except for everything that cannot be jettisoned on account of its being undeniably Scriptural that is Hyper-Protestantism.

 

In the Anglican Church there are those who bristle at the thought of our Church being Catholic, despite Catholic being used in only a positive sense in all of the Anglican formularies, including the Book of Common Prayer.   I do not say that these are Hyper-Protestants, although they have several of the traits of Hyper-Protestantism.   They often try to claim that the Articles of Religion can only be read rightly in accordance with as Calvinist interpretation as possible, despite the fact that when the Articles touch on issues where there is a difference of opinion between the continental Protestant traditions, such as Predestination and Election in Article XVII, they are written in such a way that either Lutherans or Calvinists could affirm them (there is no mention of Reprobation, which Calvinists accept and Lutherans reject, in the Article).   The Articles of Religion, like the Anglican Formularies in general, were irenicons, drafted so as to minimize conflict among members of the Church of England, whether it be conflict between those who see the Church as Catholic first and Protestant second and those who see it the other way around, or between those whose Protestantism was more Lutheran and those whose Protestantism was more Calvinist.  The Anglicans who want the Anglican Church to be only Protestant often make arguments that seemingly presuppose the regulative principle, despite the Articles’ affirmation of the normative.   This past weekend I engaged in an online discussion with them on a matter that might seem to be an exception to the rule that the English Reformers rejected only what was Roman and kept all that is Catholic.

 

That matter occurs in Article XXII of the Articles of Religion.  I am not referring to the main subject of that Article which is Purgatory.   Purgatory is a Roman doctrine, not a Catholic doctrine.   While some of the ideas associated with it go back much further, Purgatory itself dates to the end of the twelfth century, the century after the Great Schism, and is not an official doctrine of the Eastern Orthodox Church.   Indeed, the Eastern Orthodox opposed the doctrine following the attempt at reunification in the Second Council of Lyon (1272-1274).  There have been and are different schools within Eastern Orthodoxy that have held different views on the matter.   The ones who came closest to Rome were the seventeenth century prelates such as Peter of Moghilia and Dositheus of Jerusalem who reacted against the “Calvinist” Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople, Cyril Lucaris, and in doing so produced Confessions that affirmed Purgatory in all but name.  The rejection of the name is more significant than the affirmation of the doctrine as these men were representative only of their own time in this.  Most Eastern Orthodox schools of thought reject the doctrine as well as the name, and interestingly enough there has been a heated on-and-off controversy in the Eastern Church over “Aerial Toll Houses”, a different concept of an intermediate state from that of Purgatory, the most recent flare up in the controversy being in the last century.   The Armenian Apostolic and Coptic Orthodox Churches both reject Purgatory and I suspect this is true of the other Non-Chalcedonian Churches.   Thus, Purgatory does not pass the Vincentian tests of Catholicity and is a distinctly Roman error.   The matter in question is found among those tucked in with Purgatory in this Article.   Here is Article XXII in full:

 

The Romish Doctrine concerning Purgatory, Pardons, Worshipping and Adoration, as well of Images as of Reliques, and also invocation of Saints, is a fond thing vainly invented, and grounded upon no warranty of Scripture, but rather repugnant to the Word of God.

 

Note in passing the use of the word “Romish” rather than “Catholic”.  

 

The discussion began with someone sharing the quotation “If you think you need a mediator with Jesus; you don’t know Jesus”.   Now, there is nothing wrong with these words taken in their plain, ordinary, sense.   There is One God, St. Paul declares, and One Mediator between God and man, the Man Christ Jesus (1 Tim. 2:5).    You do not need a mediator between yourself and the Mediator.   The man being quoted, however, was James R. White, a Reformed Baptist minister and the director of Alpha and Omega Ministries.   This is a man who never misses an opportunity to throw the Catholic baby out with the Roman bathwater.   A few years ago I thoroughly rebutted his attempt to have it both ways on Nestorianism and “the Mother of God”,  something not uncommon among Calvinists, as well as his embrace of “scientific” textual criticism as applied to the New Testament, the gateway drug to “higher criticism” an error he could easily have avoided had he applied the Vincentian Catholic principle to textual criticism and adopted the position that the true text of the New Testament is the text received by the Church everywhere, always, and by all, with the recognition that in areas of the Church where another language predominates that text may find representation in a “Vulgate” of the dominant language, such as the Latin Vulgate in the Roman Church, and the Authorized Bible in the English Church.   I observed the possibility that by “mediator” White might actually have meant “intermediary”.    Hyper-Protestants reject the Apostolic priesthood of the Church, despite its being there in the New Testament, because they reject the idea of intermediaries between Jesus and the individual believer, condemning themselves in the process because they accept the necessity of preaching, and preachers are intermediaries between Jesus and the individual believer in precisely the same way that Apostolic priests are, not gatekeepers who decide who gets to see Jesus, but stewards appointed to bring Jesus to each individual through their dual ministry of Word and Sacrament.

 

As it turned out, however, the discussion went down a different road than that.   What the person who posted the quote from James White and those who agreed with him were interested in condemning was the practice of asking the saints to pray for them. 

 

Now this is not something that I do myself.   I have never had any interest in doing this, much less a compelling urge to do so. It is, however, something that is done in all the ancient Churches – Roman, Eastern Orthodox, Non-Chalcedonian, and Assyrian – and so cannot be said to be a distinctly Roman practice.   The only case that can be made against it being Catholic is that it can only be traced back for certain to the third century.   In St. Clement of Rome’s First Epistle to the Corinthians, written before the end of the first century, around the time St. John was writing the Book of Revelation, this early Roman bishop and companion of St. Paul talks in what is usually numbered as the fifty sixth chapter about remembering those who, having fallen into sin, had submitted in meekness and humility to the will of God, to God and the saints.   The wording is ambiguous and the saints mentioned here could be the living members of the Church, but especially since everywhere else in the epistle St. Clement refers to these as brethren, this could also be the earliest reference to the practice in question, in which case it most decidedly is Catholic, this earliest of the writings of the Apostolic Fathers having been regularly read in the Churches along with the Sacred texts in the early centuries and considered, although ultimately rejected, for canonical status.   Even if St. Clement is not a first century witness to the practice, the third century predates both the first Ecumenical Council and the rise of Emperor Constantine who is usually regarded as the founder of “Catholicism” by the restorationist type of Hyper-Protestant, the historical illiterate who thinks that the Church apostatized the moment Christianity was legalized (a view these type of Hyper-Protestants share with all the heretical sects they call cults) .    It is recommended by both St. John Chrysostom and St. Augustine in the fourth century, neither of whom was known as an innovator and both of whom would have staunchly rejected it had it been inconsistent with orthodox Christianity as it had come down to them.  Indeed, the idea of the Intercession of the Saints – that the faithful who have gone on to the next life are praying for us in Heaven – that is associated with the practice, and often but not always denied by those who reject it, can be traced back with certainty much earlier than the practice, being frequently mentioned in the Apostolic Fathers.   For that matter, it appears in the Bible itself in Revelation 5:8 where the twenty-four elders are depicted as holding golden vials, filled with odours that are the “prayers of the saints” (if the “saints” here are taken to be the saints on Earth, the image is even stronger, for it suggests that it is the saints in Heaven who bring before the Throne the prayers of the saints on Earth), which raises a few questions about the Scriptural literacy of those who loudly trumpet their belief in “Sola Scriptura” while denying that the faithful departed pray for us.   An even more important doctrine is at stake in this dispute, however, the doctrine of “The Communion of the Saints” that is indisputably Catholic, confessed in the Apostles’ version of the Creed, and held even by those ancient Churches that use only the Nicene and not the Apostles’ Creed.   It was for the sake of this Truth, not the practice itself per se, that when I realized what was being argued, I joined in the argument on the side of the defenders of the practice.


A word here about, well, words, is in order.   Those on the other side of the debate consistently spoke of the practice of asking the faithful departed for their prayers as “praying to the saints”.   I consistently referred to it as asking for their prayers.   I would not have been comfortable making the arguments I made, even in defence of the Truth confessed in the Creed, using the same language as the other side.   The English word “pray”, comes to us through French, from a Latin word meaning “ask, beg, request, entreat” and in earlier centuries was used in a more general sense.   “I pray thee”, contracted to “prithee” used to be a common synonym for “please” and was used with requests made of other people.   For most people, however, “pray” has long ceased to be a synonym for “ask” in general, and is now limited to requests made as acts of worship.   This being the case, I would say that the word should be reserved for requests made directly to God, and not used of the act of requesting that others pray for  you.    There are two entirely different arguments here depending upon whether we follow that rule or not.   One is an argument about whether we should make the same kind of requests of the faithful departed that we make of God, in which case the right is on the side of those who say no, we should not.   The other is an argument about whether we should make the same kind of requests of the faithful departed that we make of other living Christians.   It is in regards to this second argument that I would say that since the practice is Catholic and not just Roman and based on “the Communion of the Saints” confessed in the Creed a strong burden of proof must be placed on those who say it isn’t allowed to prove their case from the Scriptures, which I do not think they can do.   I will note that the language of “praying to the saints” is sometimes used by defenders of the practice among those Churches who practice it, undermining their own position in my opinion.   It has been my observation, however, that this language is far more likely to be used by less-informed lay people in these Churches than in official ecclesiastical statements.   On a related note, the frequent heard accusation by Hyper-Protestants against the Roman Church, and sometimes the other ancient Churches, that they pray more to Mary and the saints than to God, has no validity with regards to prayers used in public worship, although it may sometimes be warranted in the case of private practice, just as private Protestants may distort things in private in a way unsanctioned by their Church or sect.    In Eastern Orthodoxy, one of the most popular prayers, if not the most popular, is a prayer addressed to Jesus – it is actually called “The Jesus Prayer” - and virtually indistinguishable from the one that in evangelical circles is often substituted for “believe” in presentations of the Gospel and treated as if it were a magical incantation the reciting of which mechanically transforms one into a Christian.  The act of asking the Saints or Mary to grant something in their own power is not sanctioned by any Church and is, of course, idolatry.   This is not to say that it is not superstitiously done by the ignorant, but the only requests directed towards anyone other than God in the liturgies of any of the ancient Churches are requests for prayer.

 

When I raised the point of the difference between praying to someone and asking them to pray for you in the debate someone pointed out that Article XXII speaks of “invocation of Saints” and argued that “invocation” is a broader term and includes all forms of address not just prayer.   My response was to point out that in that case technically the Article forbids asking living Christians to pray for us as well.   For, as the type of Hyper-Protestant who does not understand how language works and that a word can have a narrower as well as a wider meaning and so condemns the use of “Saint” as a title likes to point out, all Christians are Saints in the most basic sense of the word.

 

So what about Article XXII?   Do the  Articles of Religion depart from the normative principle affirmed in Article XXII by condemning a practice “invocation of Saints” that is truly Catholic rather than merely Roman?

 

As the saying goes “it’s complicated”.   The Articles affirm the Apostles’ and Nicene Creeds as well as the Athanasian (more an annotated version of the Apostles’ than a distinct Creed in its own right) in Article VIII saying these are “proved by most certain warrants of Holy Scripture”.   Thus, they cannot mean in Article XXII that the doctrine of the “Communion of the Saints” confessed in the Apostles’ Creed is “grounded upon no warranty of Scripture” when they seemingly impugn the practice based on this doctrine.     This raises the question of whether the practice and the doctrine can be so separated that one can affirm one without the other.   If they cannot, then either the Articles contradict themselves, a possibility as they, not being Holy Scripture, are not infallible, something those Anglicans which insist so strongly on their Protestantism might try to remember, or, as the wording of the Article allows, the “fond thing vainly invented, and grounded upon no warranty of Scripture, but rather repugnant to the Word of God” is not “invocation of Saints” per se but the “Romish doctrine” concerning it.   John Henry Newman tried to make this last argument with regards to the main subject of the Article, Purgatory, in the last of the Tracts for the Times before he crossed the Tiber.   His argument was not particularly convincing, although it could possibly be made more strongly for “invocation of Saints” than for Purgatory based on invocation being Catholic and Purgatory distinctly Roman, potentially allowing for “the Romish doctrine” about “invocation of Saints” being asking them to intercede for those in Purgatory.   I’m not going to press that interpretation as it seems highly unlikely that this is what was meant in the days of the Elizabethan Settlement by those who came up with the final draft of the Articles.   Historically it was not until the Tractarians that High Churchmen thought to understand the Article in any way other than as completely forbidding the practice as demonstrated by it being a point of contention between the Non-Jurors and the Eastern Orthodox in the unsuccessful attempt to bring the two into communion in the early eighteenth century, about a century before the Oxford Movement.   Neither, however, am I going to say that the Articles do contradict themselves.   Rather, I am going to take the position that Article XXII as an exercise of that “power to decree Rites or Ceremonies” affirmed of the Church in the same Article that affirms the Normative Principle and as thus binding upon the province of the Holy Catholic Church that is the Anglican Church in terms of practice and not an authoritative statement dictating what we are to think about the practice, a position quite in keeping with the spirit of the court of Elizabeth I, who understood well that her God-given authority to regulate the Church for the sake of the peace of her realm was limited to the public exercise of religion and did not extend to the private consciences of men, something monarchs reigning by divine right understand a lot better than politicians elected by the mob.   In keeping with this position on Article XXII which is in accordance with my own non-participation in this practice as a member of the Anglican Church, I shall now discuss the matter of whether or not the practice violates Scriptural prohibitions and/or principles.   My position is that it does not.  

 

 

Now, in the debate last weekend, those on the other side were arguing for something and not just against something.   What they were arguing for was that Jesus Christ is the only Mediator, that His One Sacrifice is sufficient and that nothing anyone else does can add anything to it, that He is accessible through prayer to all believers and that we don’t need to go through anyone else to get to Him, and that we should not direct towards creatures that which belongs to God alone.   With none of this, did I, or anyone else on my side of the debate, disagree, and indeed, I, and I would assume everyone on both sides, would affirm all of this.   Those on my side were also arguing for something, and not just the practice of asking the faithful in Heaven to pray for you, but a truth we confess every time we confess the Apostles’ Creed.

 

Before I even entered this conversation, others on the side that I took had already asked the other side whether or not they ever asked members of their parishes to pray for them.   The point of the question, of course, was that if asking the faithful departed to pray for you somehow takes away from Christ’s sole Mediatorship, implies a deficiency in His Sacrifice, or suggest the idea that we need to go through someone else to get to Jesus, then this is also true of asking living believers to pray for us.   This point is entirely valid, and I further observed that it cuts both ways.   If in asking another Christian for prayer we do so in a way that transgresses by inappropriately offering to our fellow Christian the prayer that we should be addressing to God alone we have transgressed regardless of whether that fellow Christian is alive or dead.   If, on the other hand, we ask other Christians for their prayers in accordance with the Scriptures, then it is Scriptural regardless of whether the other Christians are part of the Church Militant – the Church on earth – or the Church Triumphant – the Church in Heaven.

 

The other side always answered the question with yes.     They justified the inconsistency in their position by saying that the New Testament tells us as Christians to ask our living brethren for their prayers.   This, while not wrong exactly, is a bit misleading.   In the New Testament you find St. Paul requesting the prayers of the Roman Christians (Rom. 15:30), the Colossians (Col. 4:3), and the Thessalonians (1 Thess. 5:25, 2 Thess. 3:1).   You find him telling several different groups of Christians that they are always in his prayers (Rom. 1:8-9, Col. 1:9-10, Phil. 1:3-4).   There is St. James’ instructions to pray for one another (Jas. 5:16).   There are also general instructions to pray for all Christians (Eph. 6:18) or even more generally, all people of all sorts (1 Tim. 2:1) as well as instructions to bear one another’s burdens (Gal. 6:2) and to encourage and build one another up (1 Thess. 5:11).    Those opposed to asking the faithful departed for their prayers say that nowhere in all of these passages is there an example of someone asking the departed for their prayers or an instruction to ask the departed specifically for their prayers.   With regards to the second point, however, nowhere are we told not to ask the departed faithful for their prayers.   With regards to the first, while obviously those to whom St. Paul wrote requesting prayer were living at the time, he did not tell them to stop praying for him when their earthly sojourn was over and they departed to be with Christ.   No, I am being neither facetious nor flippant.  Those who are opposed to asking the faithful departed for their prayers are generally also opposed to praying for the faithful departed.   Praying for the faithful departed is another practice that is Catholic – shared by all the ancient Churches, not just Rome.  St. James’ instructions to pray for one another can be reasonably taken to exclude the departed as those for whom the prayer is to be offered because he is not talking about prayers in general but specifically about prayer for healing.   However, prayers for the faithful departed are clearly not prohibited in the New Testament because St. Paul offers up just such a prayer for Onesiphorus in 2 Tim. 1:18.   For that matter, every prayer in the New Testament that resulted in a resurrection was obviously a prayer for the departed.   If this aspect of Catholic practice, prayers for the faithful departed, can be proven by the New Testament, and in case you failed to notice I just proved it from the New Testament, then the other side of the same coin, asking the faithful departed for their prayers can hardly be excluded simply because there is neither example nor instructions for it specifically can be found.   I emphasize the word specifically because the burden on those opposed to asking the departed for their prayers is actually heavier than that which the normative principle implies.   Their burden is to prove that the faithful departed, the Church Militant, are excluded from the general instructions to bear one another’s burdens, encourage, and build one another up, in all of which praying for one another in a more general sense than in James is included.

 

This is a burden of proof they cannot meet.  Indeed, their assumption that the faithful departed are automatically excluded from the New Testament’s instructions to Christians to pray for one another and bear their burdens, is an assumption that contradicts the entire New Testament on the subject of the union between believers with Christ and through Christ each other in the Church, a union that cannot be broken by death.   The faithful departed, including the Old Testament saints, are depicted by St. Paul in Hebrews 12  as “so great a cloud of witnesses” on account of which we should “lay aside every weight, and the sin which doth so easily beset us” so that we may “run with patience the race that is set before us”.   Later in the same chapter when the Apostle uses Mt. Sinai and Mt. Zion as symbols of the Law and Gospel covenants respectively, he tells his Hebrew Christian readers “ye are come unto mount Sion, and unto the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to an innumerable company of angels, To the general assembly and church of the firstborn, which are written in heaven, and to God the Judge of all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect” (vv. 22-23) which would be an incredibly strange way of wording it if he thought death to be an impassible barrier between the Church Militant and the Church Triumphant.   Not only are the faithful departed depicted as a “cloud of witnesses” encompassing us, but believers in their earthly sojourn are depicted as having already joined them in Heaven, “And hath raised us up together, and made us sit together in heavenly places in Christ Jesus” (Eph. 2:6)

 

The New Testament teaches that on the first Whitsunday (the Christian Pentecost), the Holy Ghost came down from Heaven and united the disciples with Jesus Christ, Who had died, descended as Conqueror into Hell (the Kingdom of death), rose again from the dead, and ascended to Heaven where He sat down at the right hand of God the Father.   This union formed the Church, a united body in which Jesus Christ is Head, and all who are baptized into the Christian faith are members.   In the establishment of the Church the Old Testament saints, that is, those in the Old Testament who were not just members of the Covenant nation of Israel physically, but were also members of the spiritual Congregation of the Lord, who had been awaiting their redemption in the Kingdom of death, were released by Jesus Christ, and taken up to Heaven with Him when He returned there, were also joined that all of God’s saints in all ages would be part of the one Body of Christ.   In the Church, each individual Christian is united with Jesus Christ, and through Jesus Christ with each other.   Jesus Christ having already conquered death, believers being described as having “passed from death unto life” (past tense) and having “everlasting life” (present tense) in this life (Jn. 5:24), death cannot break this union and divide those who have departed this world from those who remain.   In Jesus Christ and to Jesus Christ, all believers are alive eternally:

 

I am the resurrection, and the life: he that believeth in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live:  And whosoever liveth and believeth in me shall never die.  (Jn. 11:25-26)

 

After all, as He said to the Sadducees in rebuking their denial of the resurrection, “He is not the God of the dead, but of the living” (Mk. 12:27).

 

This is what the Communion of the Saints that we confess in the Apostles’ Creed is all about.

 

Those who condemn the practice of asking the Church Triumphant to pray with you and for you just as you might ask the person sitting in the pew next to you to do so seem to have a much harder time in affirming this New Testament truth as those of us who do not wish to throw the Catholic baby out with the Roman bathwater have in affirming the truth of Jesus’ sole Mediatorship – even Rome affirms this – which they think, mistakenly, they are safeguarding.   That is a pretty strong indicator that they are the ones in error here.  

 

Another such indicator is how quickly they descend into vulgar abuse when they cannot answer questions.   Unable to answer how their position is consistent with the New Testament teaching that all believers are one in Him to Whom there is no living and dead, they resort to accusations of occult superstition.   Asking the departed faithful to pray for you, they say, violates the Old Testament prohibitions against such things as necromancy, witchcraft, séances and the like.   Anybody who knows anything about these practices knows that they are worlds removed from asking the faithful departed for their prayers.   The practices condemned in the Old Testament involve summoning the spirits of the dead as if they were your personal slaves, either to obtain information from them, use them to manipulate the natural world in a supernatural way, or both.   There is no acknowledgement of God in these practices, the spirits of the dead qua spirits of the dead are invoked, the power to summon them is thought to be inherent in either the ritual used or the summonor, and the power to do what the summonor wants or tell him what he wants is thought to belong to the spirit.   Suggesting that the Catholic practice falls into this category is just a cheap insult.   The type one would expect from the sort of person who speaks of ecclesiastical bodies which confess Jesus Christ as Lord and Saviour, in the words of the ancient Creeds, as possessing the “spirit of Antichrist”.

 

The New Testament tells us who “Antichrist” is.   Who is a liar but he that denieth that Jesus is the Christ?” St. John writes in 1 John 2:22, “He is antichrist, that denieth the Father and the Son.”   The Patriarch of Rome has been guilty of overstepping the boundaries of his jurisdiction, usurping a supremacy over the entire Church, and teaching various errors, among them his own infallibility, but as someone who confesses the faith of Jesus Christ in the orthodox form of the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed and governs a Church that confesses this, the Apostles’ and the Athanasian Creeds, he cannot be the Antichrist.   What does it say about Hyper-Protestants that whenever they use the word “Antichrist” it is in association with the Roman Patriarch and his Church?

 

Indeed, there is another type of Hyper-Protestant than the Calvinist type I have been addressing.   In addition to identifying the Patriarch of Rome as the “Antichrist” and the Church he governs as “Mystery Babylon”, this type insists that that adherents of another world religion that literally fits the description of the Antichrist in 1 John 2:22 in that it, like Christianity, claims to have inherited the mantle of the Old Testament religion but departs from Christianity on precisely the point that it denies “that Jesus is the Christ”, cannot be criticized without incurring the curse of Genesis 12:3, as if St. Paul had not identified for Christians once and for all Who the Seed of Abraham is in Galatians 3:16.   I know Hyper-Protestants of this type who cannot stand to hear anything negative, no matter how true, said about this other world religion and its adherents, but who believe and regurgitate every last piece of  conspiratorial drivel they hear, not only about the Patriarch of Rome and his Church, but about all the ancient Churches so that basically, while believing nothing but good about people who deny that Jesus is the Christ, they write off the vast majority of people in the world today and who have ever lived who confess that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of the Living God, their Lord and Saviour, since the majority of people in the world today and who have ever lived who confess Jesus as Christ, Son of God, Lord and Saviour, have belonged to the Roman Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, and other ancient Churches.   These same Hyper-Protestants claim to be Spirit-filled and Spirit-led Christians.   One would think that if the Spirit that filled and led them were the Holy Ghost, He would convict them of the sin of participating in the last socially acceptable bigotry (except the genocidal anti-white racial hatred currently being displayed by “anti-racist” academics and activists), anti-Catholic bigotry.

 

Be a Protestant, but don’t be a Hyper-Protestant nut!

 

 

 

 

Thursday, August 27, 2020

Black and White

 

Ever since the Daily Mail released the video footage of the arrest of George Floyd taken from the body cameras of the arresting police officers, which footage reveals everything that the short video which the mainstream progressive media had made sure to shove down everyone’s throat over and over again back in May and June had concealed, the progressive commentariat has been trying desperately to save their narrative, which is that Floyd, a black man, was murdered by a white police officer, due to the colour of his skin. They have been dancing around the video, talking about everything in it from the reaction of the crowd to the arrest to procedural errors on the part of the police. Everything, that is, except what is really relevant. Namely that Floyd, who was clearly crazed and high on drugs, was resisting arrest and that his breathing troubles began long before Derek Chauvin’s knee was on him in a standard non-asphyxiating hold. When one takes into account the amount of fentanyl the medical examiner found in his system – far more than anyone has ever been known to survive – and that fentanyl causes, among other things, breathing problems, the media’s case against the police officers, evaporates into thin air. This is hardly surprising considering that their case is derived entirely from their larger narrative about how the United States and Western Civilization as a whole are irredeemably infested with a white supremacy in which all white people are complicit, whether consciously or unconsciously, when in reality, if the United States and Western Civilization have a problem with racism, it is racism directed towards whites, such as that displayed by the black supremacist, anti-white, hate groups that went on a summer long spree of violence, crime, and destruction in honour of George Floyd. 

 It is not George Floyd that I wish to talk about today, however, but popular Christian apologist James R. White, the director of Alpha and Omega Ministries. Or rather, to be more precise, it is not James R. White as a person, that I wish to talk about, but his arguments on certain issues. You are undoubtedly wondering what on earth the preceding paragraph can possibly have to do with such a subject. It is simply this – that the dancing around the real issue, on the part of the progressive media, reminds me of his approach to the doctrinal matters in question. 

Let us start with the issue I discussed in my last essay, “Calvinism, the Definition of Chalcedon, and the Mother of God.” That essay argued that while Protestantism’s rejection of Mariolatry – elevating Mary to the point where it becomes idolatrous – is sound, some Protestants take this to such an extreme, that they reject any honouring of her, including the use of the expression “Mother of God” (Greek Theotokos) and that in doing so they enter into the territory of the Christological heresy of Nestorianism, which divides the two natures within the One Person of Jesus Christ. In that context, I discussed how, while this mostly occurs among separatist Protestant sects that see themselves as opposed to the Catholic tradition as a whole and not just the errors that are distinctly late and Roman, one of the three Church traditions of the Magisterial Reformation – Anglican, Lutheran, and Reformed – has also shown tendencies in this regard, despite its formally upholding the General Councils which condemned Nestorianism, affirmed the Theotokos, and provided a clear statement of the hypostatic union, the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon. That is the Reformed Church tradition, or at least the prevalent Calvinist strain within it.

James R. White is a Reformed Baptist, which means that he belongs to a separatist sect that is largely aligned theologically with the Reformed Church tradition. In 1998, Bethany House Publishers of Grand Rapids, Michigan published his book Mary: Another Redeemer? In his first chapter, which has the same title as the book as a whole, White indicates that he will be answering the errors of official Roman teaching about Mary, while clearing up misconceptions that many fundamentalist Protestants and many Roman laypeople have as to what those teachings actually are, focusing on the issue of assigning Mary a role alongside her Son in the redemption of the world. This would be an admirable achievement if it was what he actually accomplished in the book. Let us look, however, at his fifth chapter which is entitled “Mother of God.” 

He begins by saying that “Mother of God” is “the single most misused theological term around.” Whether the hyperbole is deliberate and intentional or not, I will not bother to speculate. I will note instead that White is clearly aware of the Christological pitfall that a rejection of this term leads to and attempts to avoid falling into it. He writes: 

The logic seems inescapable: Jesus is God, come in human flesh. Mary is Jesus’ Mother. Hence, Mary is the Mother of God. What could be simpler?

 He should have stopped there. For the logic is indeed inescapable. The syllogism cannot be rejected on the grounds that it is not valid for it is the very epitome of a valid syllogism. That leaves only the question of the truth of the premises. To deny the first premise is to be what St. John calls an “antichrist” in the New Testament. The second premise is true. Therefore the conclusion is unavoidable. To reject the conclusion one must commit the heresy of Nestorianism and divide the two natures within Jesus by making Mary into something like “the mother of Jesus’ human nature” rather than “the Mother of Jesus the Person.” To do so, whether one realizes it or not, is to deny the second premise.

It also, however, points inevitably to a denial of the first premise. Think about it in terms of another syllogism. The first premise is that Mary is Jesus’ Mother, the second premise is that Mary is not the Mother of God. What is the conclusion toward which such a syllogism would point?

Ironically, Nestorius had fallen into error through his zeal to avoid the heresy of Arianism, which denied the diety of Jesus Christ. The internal reasoning of his own heresy, however, leads right back to this denial.

White goes on to say: 

If everyone would use the term to communicate just that – that Jesus Christ was truly and completely God – there would be no reason to include a brief chapter on the topic of “the mother of God.” Yet, obviously, that would be a bit simplistic. Most of the time when the phrase is used, the persons using it are not in any way commenting on the fact that Jesus Christ was God and Man on the earth. They are not speaking about Christ at all, but about Mary, and they are using the title to give her a position of honour and power. 

Let us assume for a moment that everything White has said here is correct. If some are misusing the title, does this invalidate the title itself and constitute a reason for not using it? 

Of course it would not. The problem is with the usage, not the title itself, which is cause to correct the usage rather than abandon the title. 

Furthermore, is using that title “to give her a position of honour and power” actually misusing it?

White’s wording here creates a difficulty. A “position of honour and power” is much more than merely a “position of honour.” The linking of “power” to “honour” creates a phrase into which virtually everything that Protestants have ever objected to in Romanistic Marian doctrine can be read. If, however, we leave the power out of it and speak of the title as merely giving her – in the sense of ascribing to her –a “position of honour”, then this is something to which the orthodox Reformers had no objection and furthermore, something which the early Church was obviously doing when it began using this title. Note that in the Christological controversy that ensued, the question of whether Mary ought to be honoured was not an issue in contention. Nestorius wanted her honoured with the title Christotokos (Mother of Christ) rather than Theotokos (Mother of God) but both sides agreed that she should be honoured with a title. This point appears to be completely lost on White. He argues repeatedly in this chapter that the only appropriate use of the expression Theotokos – see my previous essay for the reasons why attempting to get around the “Mother of God” translation by rendering it “God-bearer” are disingenuous – is to settle Christological doctrine rather than to honour Mary.

White’s clearest statement of his position is as follows:

 “Mother of God” is a phrase that has proper theological meaning only in reference to Christ. Hence, any use of the term that is not simply saying, “Jesus is fully God, one divine Person with two natures,” is using the term anachronistically, and cannot claim the authority of the early church for such a usage.

The above is taken from the final paragraph of a subsection entitled “The Origin of the Term” which provides a streamlined history of the origins of Theotokos in the fourth and fifth centuries, which contains an accurate, concise, account of the Christological controversy that culminated in the Council of Chalcedon, but which manages to ignore or even deny the obvious, that Theotokos was a title of honour for Mary from the moment it was first used, its liturgical use predates any theological controversy in which it was involved, and that disagreement over the liturgical usage led to the debate over what title of honour should properly be used for her, in which context the Christological controversy arose, fortuitously so for it ultimately lead the Church to clarify the orthodox doctrine of the hypostatic union and provide us with the Definition of Chalcedon.

White writes that “Around the beginning of the fourth century, Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, first used this term when speaking of Mary.” This occurred around 320-325 AD, and is the first undisputed use of the term in writing, but most ecclesiastical historians would tell you that Theotokos was around longer than this. Hippolytus of Rome, who died around 235 AD, almost a full century earlier is attested to have used it, and Origen is believed to have used it in a commentary on Deuteronomy written around the same time as Hippolytus’ death. It is certainly used in the ancient hymn Sub Tuum Praesidium, which likely dates to the third century. The earliest copy extant contains the Greek text. The English translation of the hymn as a whole is indicative of the fact that the use of the term as a title of honour is not something that came later, after the Christological debate: 

Under thy protection,
We take refuge, O Mother of God.
Despise not our petitions, 
In our time of trial, 
But from dangers free us,
Only pure, only Blessed one. 

 The above translates the Greek text. A translation of the Latin would be slightly different, ending with “O Glorious and Blessed Virgin” but the overall effect is the same. We know that this hymn is no later than the fourth century because it is in use in the Churches which were accused of Monophysitism, the opposite heresy of Nestorianism, because they refused to accept the Council of Chalcedon. Indeed, the oldest copy of the Greek text is in a papyrus manuscript in the possession of one such Church, the Coptic, and this has been credibly dated to the third century. 

Whether third or fourth century, however, it makes nonsense out of White’s claim that “Evidently, at that time, even in its earliest uses, the term was meant to say something about Jesus, not Mary.” Of course this claim is intrinsically nonsensical because it presents a false dilemma. Theotokos says something about Jesus, that He is fully God and fully Man, two natures united in One Person, but it also says something about Mary, namely that she is the Mother of this Person, and it cannot say the one without saying the other. Indeed, it says what it says about Jesus by saying what it says about Mary.

This is what needs to be kept in mind when reading “The Misuse of the Term Today” which is the next section of White’s chapter. White asserts that:

Outside of seminary classes and theological debates about the Trinity, I have never heard the term “Mother of God” used in a historically proper and theologically accurate way. That is, every time I have heard the title used outside those contexts it was being used to say something about Mary rather than something about Christ. 

 Again, to use the title to say something about Mary is not to misuse the title, because the title says what it says about Christ by saying something about Mary, and what it says about Christ cannot be separated from what it says about Mary. Of course, if someone were to use the title to say something erroneous about Mary that would be to misuse the title. In the paragraph which follows immediately after the one just quoted White talks about how Mary being the Mother of God does not mean that “she gave rise to the being of God”, which is, of course, correct, and if someone were to use the term to suggest otherwise they would indeed be misusing it, but that is certainly not the way the Roman Communion uses the term, nor is it the way the Eastern Orthodox Communion uses the term, and, indeed, I cannot think of any Church or sect on the planet that actually teaches that Mary is the source of the being of God. Perhaps Mr. White is implying that the use of the term Mother of God to honour Mary could lead the theologically unlettered into drawing this erroneous conclusion, but one could likewise say that the use of the term Son of God to refer to Jesus could lead the theologically unlettered into drawing the erroneous conclusion that Jesus is not God. Indeed, I can think of far more people who have rejected the deity of Jesus Christ because they have been unable to grasp how Jesus can be both God and the Son of God at the same time than who have been led to think that Mary is somehow prior to and the source of the very Being of the Trinity because of the use of the title Mother of God.

Therefore, while everything White says in the paragraph just mentioned, prior to the last sentence in it, is true in itself, it constitutes a straw man fallacy. The last sentence of the paragraph contains a different fallacy, a non sequitur. How on earth does it follow that because “she herself did not give rise to the divinity of her Son” therefore “For this reason, there can be nothing about the term theotokos that in any way exalts Mary, but only Christ”? 

Mr. White is clearly at odds with St. Luke, for while the Evangelist certainly never maintained that Mary was the source of her Son’s divinity, he definitely treated her having been chosen to bear the Incarnate Son of God as exalting her. Or at the very least he recorded the sentiments of others, including an angel from God, who saw it that way. 

Remember the salutation that St. Luke records Gabriel as giving to Mary upon first being sent to her:

Hail, thou that are highly favoured, the Lord is with thee, blessed art thou among women. (1:28)

Since she has been chosen by God for a purpose that Gabriel will go on to declare, she is the lavish recipient of His grace – this is what κεχαριτωμένη, rendered “thou that are highly favoured” by the Authorized Bible and “full of grace” in renditions more influenced by the Latin indicates – and this in itself exalts her into a place of honour where she is “blessed” among women. Mary’s cousin, St. Elizabeth, is of the same opinion as the angel, and note that St. Luke records that she was filled with the Holy Ghost before saying:

Blessed art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb. And whence is this to me that the mother of my Lord should come to me? For, lo, as soon as the voice of thy salutation sounded in mine ears, the babe leaped in my womb for joy. And blessed is she that believed: for there shall be a performance of those things which were told her from the Lord. (vv. 42-45)

She repeats the angel’s declaration that Mary is blessed “among women” – Mary herself in the Magnificat is about the declare that “from henceforth all generations shall call me blessed” – and that this is an expression which exalts and honours the recipient of blessing as well as the One Who does the blessing is the clear implication of her humble question “And whence is this to me that the mother of my Lord should come to me?” Remember, this is coming from a woman who herself has just been blessed in her old age with the miraculous conception of a son, John the Baptist. Note that it is also as close as one could wish for an actual Scriptural usage of “Mother of God.”

Evidently, the angel Gabriel, St. Elizabeth, and St. Luke all saw Mary’s having been chosen to bear the Son of God as something that exalted and honoured her. The early Church Fathers were in agreement with the aforementioned witnesses about this. Nor did they see it merely in terms of honour passively received. St. Irenaeus wrote at great length in the third book of his anti-Gnostic magnus opus, Adverus Haereses, in defence of the necessity and importance of the Virgin Birth, against both the Gnostic heresies and post-Second Temple rabbinic Judaism, and he concludes the twenty-second chapter by depicting Mary as the New Eve, whose active, obedient, faith – “Behold the handmaid of the Lord, Be it unto me according to thy word” – by contrast with the disobedience, prompted by the doubt sowed by the serpent in the original Eve – loosed “the knot of Eve’s disobedience” so that “what the virgin Eve had bound fast through unbelief, this did the virgin Mary set free through faith.”

To assert the contrary of all of this – to say that Mary’s being the Mother of God, in the sense of being the Mother of Jesus Christ, the Person Who is God, brings no honour to herself because she is not the source of His divinity – is to border on saying that her role in bringing Jesus into the world was entirely passive and mechanical in a way similar to how those who hold the “mechanical dictation” view of the inspiration of Scriptures are said to regard the human writers of the books of the Bible. As the late J. I. Packer described it in Fundamentalism and the Word of God (1958), the mechanical dictation view is one in which: 

The mental activity of the writers was simply suspended, apart from what was necessary for the mechanical transcription of the words, supernaturally introduced into their consciousness.

Of course, nobody comes to mind who actually self-identifies with this view. Liberals, who reject the verbal plenary inspiration of Scriptures, accuse conservatives of it, and conservatives, who believe the verbal plenary inspiration of Scriptures, accuse other conservatives of it, largely in the same way their political counterparts periodically throw those to their right under the bus by saying “these are the guys you are talking about, we aren’t like that” to appease the left, except that in the case of political conservatives it is real people they are treating this way, whereas mechanical dictationists are mostly non-existent. The closest anyone ever came to affirming mechanical dictation that I am aware of was John R. Rice in Our God Breathed Book The Bible (1969) and it is distorting his argument to say that he actually affirmed the doctrine. What he actually argued is that mechanical dictation is merely a liberal caricature of verbal plenary inspiration and that while it was not mechanical there is not much significant difference between saying God breathed out (inspiration) all (plenary) the words (verbal) of the Bible and that He dictated them. The problem in mechanical dictation, in other words, is with the mechanical, not with the dictation.

Lest you think that I have gotten sidetracked, I bring all of the above up for two reasons. First, to apply what I said about the chimerical mechanical dictationists in the analogy back to what I was saying about the conclusion to which White’s arguments seem to be leading, I doubt very much that White would be comfortable with affirming a “mechanical” view of Mary’s giving birth to the Son of God. If that is where the rejection of all uses of Theotokos and its English equivalent which honour and exalt Mary “in any way” – remember, those are White’s unfortunate words – leads, and it is, then, considering how everyone rejects “mechanical” when it comes to the authors of Scripture, perhaps the answer to those who exalt and honour Mary too much, to an extreme that borders on idolatry, is not to reject all exaltation and honour of her whatsoever.

My second reason, is to create a segue into a discussion of aspects of White’s book The King James Only Controversy: Can You Trust the Modern Translations? This book was first published in 1995, three years before the one discussed above and by the same publisher. It was written in response to the surge of popularity that King James Onlyism had experienced in fundamentalist circles following the publication of Gail A. Riplinger’s New Age Bible Versions in 1993. Given that it was written in such a context, it is understandable that the bulk of the book is directed towards the sort of arguments that Riplinger makes and those made by the late Peter S. Ruckman, but this could also be seen as the book’s greatest weakness, namely that it focuses on the easiest targets on the other side. Weight can be added to this charge of focusing on the easiest targets on the other side by the fact that White simply removes the nineteenth century High Anglican defenders of the Byzantine text from the category of King James Onlyism altogether:

 In my opinion many of the great scholars of the past who have defended the Byzantine textual tradition cannot honestly be included in the “KJV Only” camp (though they are often cited as if they were). Men like Dean Burgon, F. H. A. Scrivener, H. C. Hoskier –all of whom were true scholars of the first rank—were not KJV Only advocates.

 Technically, of course, this is true. These men were proponents of the Byzantine text type, rather than the specific printed version of this text type, the Textus Receptus, from which the Authorized Bible was translated, they were all well aware that even the phrase Textus Receptus covers several different editions by Erasmus, Stephanus, and the Elzevirs which include variations among themselves, and certainly did not hold that the Authorized Bible was beyond the capacity for improvement by revision. That having been said, their arguments against the Critical School of textual scholarship and against the first attempts to produce a revised English translation based upon those theories – Burgon’s arguments in particular, as first published in Quarterly Review, sank the Revised Version of 1881 as far as any hopes of its becoming the new standard translation – are much more difficult to answer than those of Riplinger, whose book essentially argues that all post-1611 translations are part of a conspiracy to usher in a New Age global religion to pave the way for the Antichrist, or those of Ruckman who wrote about “correcting the Greek’ with the English and basically specialized in heaping vitriolic abuse upon those with whom he disagreed.

The question of English translations of the Bible has multiple facets. There is the issue of the quality of translation qua translation, of course, which includes considerations such as what is the best approach to translating (formal or dynamic equivalency), the qualifications of the translators, (1) and, ultimately, the evaluation of the finished product in itself. White’s handling of the formal v dynamic equivalency matter - that all translations, in practice, employ a mixture of formal and dynamic equivalency, some leaning more to the one, others to the other, and that a balance between the two is desirable – I have no major disagreements with. The bulk of the heat in the controversy over Bible versions, however, has to do with the textual question.

The textual question is, of course, prior to the translation question. Before you can translate the Bible, you need to have settled what it is that you are translating. This has two sides to it, the canon question and the textual question. The former, which could play a major role in this controversy but oddly enough usually doesn’t, is the question of which books make up the Bible. (2) The second is the question of which words make up the books which make up the Bible. This is an issue because, obviously, until the invention of movable type in the fifteenth century, copies of the Bible had to be produced by hand. Handwritten copies are called manuscripts, and there are discrepancies between the manuscripts. Anyone looking to publish a printed edition of the Greek New Testament or to translate the New Testament into another language, needs some way of deciding between discrepancies among the manuscripts where they occur. This is the textual question. 

The bulk of manuscript discrepancies are non-controversial, being of the type where the mistake is obvious. Of the discrepancies which are not of this type, they occur frequently enough in patterns so that text-types among the 5000 plus – not all complete – manuscripts of the New Testament have been identified by scholars. There is the Alexandrian, the Byzantine and the Western, and the more disputed Caesarean. (3) The oldest manuscripts tend to display the Alexandrian text-type, the majority of manuscripts tend to display the Byzantine text-type. The Critical School of textual scholarship has favoured the Alexandrian over other text-types and while this School has evolved from a more simplistic equation of oldest with best to various theories of eclecticism which involve weighing readings on a reading by reading basis, placing a great deal of stress upon internal arguments to the point where the Critical School is now vulnerable to the charge of being as subjective as the higher criticism always was, critical editions of the New Testament, such as the United Bible Societies and the Nestle-Aland still tend to favour the Alexandrian text-type. The opposing school of textual scholarship, which goes back to John William Burgon, Dean of Chichester Cathedral, and F. H. A. Scrivener, Prebendary of Exeter, in the nineteenth century takes the position that the Byzantine is the superior text-type. 

White addresses the textual question in basically two ways in his book. First, he gives a broad overview of the textual question in the third chapter of his book. This is the same chapter in which he addresses the translation question, but the textual question occupies the bulk of the chapter. Second, when he goes through specific verses where the King James Onlyists say that the modern versions are corrupt, he considers textual as well as translation issues. Obviously, the position he takes in his general approach to the textual question informs his specific application of it. I will only concern myself with the former here. 

White writes that:

Most scholars today (in opposition to KJV Only advocates) would see the Alexandrian text-type as representing an earlier, and hence more accurate, form of text than the Byzantine text-type. Most believe the Byzantine represents a later period in which readings from other text-types were put together (“conflated”) into the reading in the Byzantine text. This is not to say the Byzantine does not contain some distinctive readings that are quite ancient, but that the readings that are unique to that text-type are generally secondary or later readings

 It is true that most scholars would see the Alexandrian text-type as more accurate than the Byzantine, although the reasoning used for this opinion had ceased to be representative of the Critical School long before 1995. That the Byzantine text-type is characterized by conflation has indeed been a position taken by the Critical School since the nineteenth century. Hort famously argued against the “Syrian text”, as he called it, on that basis. Dean Burgon, in the third of his Quarterly Review articles, later published together as the book The Revision Revised, went through each of the examples of conflation that Hort had offered and rebutted each one of them, as well as the conflation theory in general. The third sentence in the above quotation is a poorly re-worded version of an allegation first made in Hort’s Introduction to the New Testament in the Original Greek – poorly re-worded because the difference between “distinctive” and “unique to” is hardly clear, the former presumably meaning “specific”, and “unique to” meaning what Hort meant by “distinctive.” What it means is that readings which occur in the Byzantine text-type can be found in manuscripts older than the fourth century, but that such early evidence is lacking for readings in which the Byzantine text-type disagrees with all of the other text-types. This view of Hort’s was abandoned by the Critical School in the twentieth century, long before White wrote this book, when the discovery and collation of several papyri collections made it completely untenable. Ironically, a book which, based upon this papyrus evidence, effectively demolished Hort’s claim once and for all, Harry Sturz’ The Byzantine Text-Type and New Testament Textual Criticism, published in 1984, but which had been available to Sturz’ BIOLA students long before that, is included in White’s bibliography.

In other words, White was writing with an understanding of his own side of the argument which was hopelessly out-of-date. 

Interestingly, where White departs from the out-of-date version of the Critical School’s theory is when it comes to answering the question of why the majority of manuscripts display the Byzantine text. The answer that Hort gave, and this was pretty much the last element of Hort’s theory that the Critical School held on to in its transition to reasoned eclecticism in the same period in which post-modernism, not coincidentally, had taken hold of academe as a whole, was the theory of a fourth century official ecclesiastical recension. Basically, according to Hort, the Church authorities in the third or fourth century, took a look at the competing text-types, said enough-is-enough, put together an official text type, published it, and suppressed all the others. The only evidence Hort could point to for this was the majority status of the Byzantine text in the manuscripts from the late fourth century on. There is no record of such an event having occurred in Eusebius of Caesarea, Socrates Scholasticus, or any other ecclesiastical historian, early or late. (4) White, by contrast, argues that since Greek was superseded by Latin in most Christian countries after a few centuries, and that Greek continued to be spoken and written only in the territory under the control of Constantinople, this is the reason why the late Greek manuscripts display the Byzantine text. Indeed, when White concludes the chapter by discussing the doctrine of preservation and arguing that the King James Onlyists fail to demonstrate that God’s preservation of His Word had to have occurred in the way they said it did, and offering an alternative explanation of preservation, he argues that because the text of the New Testament had spread so quickly across the Roman Empire, the text was preserved against “the wholesale change of doctrine or theology by one particular man or group who had full control over the text at any one point in its history.” 

In reality, however, these arguments by White weigh against his own position and the theory that the Alexandrian text-type is older and superior. The rapid spread of the text of the New Testament throughout the Roman Empire is indeed an argument against the idea that any ecclesiastical power would have been able to alter the text and then impose its revised version upon the Church as a whole. This eliminates Hort’s theory of a “Lucianic recension” as explaining the predominance of the Byzantine text-type in later manuscripts. It is also an argument, however, against accepting a regional text-type as authoritative over a Catholic text-type. I will explain the significance of the word Catholic momentarily. First, I would note that of the Alexandrian and Byzantine text-types, the Alexandrian is the most obviously a regional text-type. It is contained in older manuscripts than other text-types, but since those manuscripts all come from the same ecclesiastical province in Egypt, this does not prove that their text-type is older than other text-types. Their evidence is early, but regional rather than representative. By contrast, while the Byzantine text-type does indeed derive its name from association with Byzantium, the Eastern Empire which retained the Greek language, the evidence which attests to it is from all over the Christian world – including Alexandria. 

Perhaps it would be helpful here to list Dean Burgon’s seven “Tests of Truth.” These are taken from his The Traditional Text of the Holy Gospels, the first part of his unfinished magnus opus, which was edited and published by his colleague Edward Miller, Rector of Bucknell, after his death. They are: 

1. Antiquity, or Primitiveness;
2. Consent of Witnesses, or Number; 
3. Variety of Evidence, or Catholicity;
4. Respectability of Witnesses, or Weight;
5. Continuity, or Unbroken Tradition;
6. Evidence of the Entire Passage, or Context; 
7. Internal Considerations, or Reasonableness. 

 Burgon maintained that the Byzantine text type, which he preferred to call the Traditional Text type, had the support of each of these Tests. Those within the Critical School who did not just ignore him, attempted to argue that all of these varieties of evidence simply reduce to the single matter of number. This is nonsense and even a casual reading of the arguments of Zane C. Hodges, Jakob van Bruggen, Wilbur Norman Pickering, and Maurice A. Robinson will attest to the fact that and even those subsequent advocates of the superiority of the Byzantine text who identified their position as Majority Text had more in their arsenal than just number. (5) 

Indeed, if any one of Burgon’s Tests stands out as summarizing the whole, it is the third and not the second – Catholicity. That this and not mere number is the real issue has been lost on most twentieth century advocates of the Byzantine text, largely because they are overwhelmingly members of those Protestant sects that fail to distinguish between what is Catholic and what is Roman and use the former almost as a curse word. Burgon’s tests obviously suggest, to anyone familiar with it, St. Vincent of Lérins’ definition of Catholicity. In his Commonitory, St. Vincent of Lérins, writing in the fifth century under the penname Peregrinus, wrote his famous canon: “Moreover, in the Catholic Church itself, all possible care must be taken, that we hold that faith which has been believed everywhere, always, by all.” Catholic does not, as both the fiercest champions and enemies of the papacy sometimes give every impression of thinking, mean “under the authority of the Patriarch of Rome.” It has reference to the Church, the organic and organized spiritual society, founded by Christ through His Apostles, considered as a whole, in all places and times. There are particular Churches, both in the sense of specific parishes, or in the sense of all the parishes in a region under a particular bishop, and there is the Catholic Church, which is composed of all the particular Churches. (6) That is truly Catholic which, within the Catholic Church so defined, is generally characteristic of the whole, since the Apostolic founding, in all regions and times, as opposed to what can only be identified with a specific Church, or of the whole Church but only for a specific time. 

That the importance of Catholicity as described above was inseparable from the authority of Scripture in the thinking of Dean Burgon can be demonstrated by a quotation from the introduction to his Inspiration and Interpretation, which is a collection of sermons that he gave at Oxford University in 1860 and 1861 in response to Essays and Reviews, a book that had appeared early in 1860 expressing various viewpoints taken from the rationalistic reinterpretation of theology and the Bible that was dubbed Modernism but which is usually just called liberalism today. In his introduction to the printed version of these sermons, Burgon wrote:

At the root of the whole mischief of these last days lies disbelief in the Bible as the Word of GOD. This is the fundamental error. Dangerous enough is it to the moral and intellectual nature of Man, when the authority of the Church is doubted: or rather, this is the first downward step. Not to believe that CHRIST bequeathed to His Church a Divine form of polity: not to believe that He set officers over His Kingdom, of which He is Himself the sole invisible head: not to believe that He invested His Apostles with authority to delegate to others the Commission He had Himself conveyed to them; and that, by virtue of such transmitted powers, the Church has authority in the Ministration of GOD’S Word and Sacraments: not to believe that He vouchsafed to His Church extraordinary guidance at the first, and that He vouchsafes to His Church effectual guidance still: - an utter want of faith in the Church and her Ordinances, is the first step, I repeat, in a soul’s downward progress. 

Next comes an impatience of Creeds. It has been falsely asserted by an Essayist and Reviewer that “Constantine inaugurated the principle of doctrinal limitation;” by which is meant that definitions of Faith date from the Council of Nicaea, AD 325: the truth being that the famous Ecumenical Council which was then held did but rule the consubstantiality of the SON with the FATHER: whereas elaborate Creeds exist of a far earlier date; as all are aware. Creeds indeed are coeval with Christianity itself. What need to add that when the decree of the first Ecumenical Council concerning the true faith in the adorable Trinity has been set at nought, all other decisions of the Church are disregarded also? 

That marvellous concrete fact, the Bible, - has next to be encountered. 

Rejection of the authority God has placed in His Church – which is not the same thing as rejecting the Patriarch of Rome’s claim to authority over the entirety of the Church – leads to an impatience with Creeds, which ultimately leads to an attack on the Bible itself. In the book just quoted, Burgon concerns himself with answering that attack in the form of the so-called “higher criticism”. Twenty-years later, in The Revision Revised, and for the remainder of his life, he would tackle the lower criticism, coming from the very same starting point. For to Burgon, an approach to the transmission of the text that was based entirely upon rationalistic presuppositions was no different than such an approach to the historical-grammatical origin of the Scriptures. 

The downward spiral Burgon described is, of course, well-illustrated in the history of the English Church. Edward Meyrick Goulburn in his marvelous two-volume biography of the Dean, describes his involvement in the fight for maintaining institutional orthodoxy at Oxford University against those who wished to secularize academe and put to mundane use endowments intended by those who had bestowed them for theological education. In the battle Goulburn describes, the orthodox side was considerably weakened by the fact that Convocation – the general synod of the Church of England – had been prorogued for a century since Parliament had usurped most of the royal prerogatives, imposed its democratic will upon the Church, and prevented the censure of Benjamin Hoadly, Bishop of Bangor, for his opposition to the sound Church principles best defended by second-generation non-juror William Law in his Three Letters (1717). The rejection of sound Tory royalist political principles, led to the sacrificing of sound orthodox Church principles, which weakened orthodoxy in the Church to the point that it could not mount an effective defence upon what had up to that point been the academic bastion of Anglican orthodoxy, Oxford University, and in the immediate aftermath Burgon had to fight these battles with rationalistic higher and lower criticism, for the very Bible itself. 

If the implications of the above for the Bible versions issue are not already clear, I will spell them out. The idea that the best witnesses to the text of the New Testament are a small minority of manuscripts from the second and third centuries, almost entirely from a single province of the Church, and that province being neither in the region to which almost all of the autographs were originally sent – that is Asia Minor, the Byzantine region – nor the centre of communication with the rest of the Church in the centuries in question – quite the opposite, it was one of the extremities – is impossible to square with any acceptance of Catholicity. The Byzantine text is the text that has been in constant use by the Greek Church since at least the fourth century – and any claim that it was not in use by the Greek Church earlier is an argument from silence which must overcome the improbability that in the gap between the time in which the Greek Church received most of the autographs and the period in which the Byzantine text demonstrably prevailed, the more accurate text departed for Egypt.

As Christianity spread, and Greek ceased to be the lingua franca of the Old World, understandably Churches in non-Greek speaking regions wanted versions of the Scriptures in their own language. Here, we see a common pattern emerging. Interestingly enough, White, who draws the obvious parallels between King James Onlyism and the attitude of various participants in the controversies surrounding the Latin Vulgate, both when St. Jerome translated it and when Erasmus went back to the Greek and produced a new Latin translation in the sixteenth century, overlooks this larger pattern. Which is that each Church made a number of attempts at translating the Bible, before finally producing a translation which became authoritative within that Church for centuries. St. Jerome’s Latin Vulgate, which replaced a number of earlier Latin translations, became the Bible for the Latin Church. The Peshitta has been the standard Bible for Syriac Churches – including, for the sake of this discussion, sects which have been accused of both Nestorianism and Monophysitism – since the fifth century. These are hardly the only examples, but they will suffice to illustrate the point of all this, which is that what we see occurring in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is simply this – William Tyndale, following up on Wycliffe’s translation of the Latin Vulgate two centuries prior, produced an English translation of the Hebrew Old Testament and Greek New Testament, which underwent a number of revisions, both official (Great Bible, Bishop’s Bible) and otherwise (Geneva Bible), until finally a version was produced which was accepted as the authoritative English Bible, both by the Anglican Church and the separatist sects, for centuries. What is often dismissively called the King James Version, but more accurately called the Authorized Bible, is, in fact properly understood as the English Vulgate. 

The answer to the text question, therefore, that would seem to be most in accord with the Catholic tradition, is that within the particular Church that retained the original language of the Church, the Byzantine text has been the authoritative and canonical text for at least sixteen centuries, most likely longer, and that other particular Churches produce and settle upon authoritative and canonical versions in their own languages – Vulgates. The question of an authoritative text simply cannot be divorced from the historical and traditional usage of the Church. 

Does everything that I have just pointed out constitute a case for or against the retention of this authoritative status for the Authorized Bible in English? 

How one answers that question logically ought to indicate how one views Protestantism. Once again, there are Protestants who see Protestantism as opposition to Catholicism rather than errors that are distinctly Roman. Then there are Protestants who affirm Catholicism and see their Protestantism as opposition to errors that are merely Roman. The separatist sects by nature tend to fall into the first category. The Anglican and Lutheran traditions fall in the second category. The Reformed tradition is a sort of middle ground. In its confessions it is officially in the second category with the Anglicans and Lutherans, but on several issues, the Reformed tend to align with the separatist sects in opposition to something that is Catholic rather than Roman. Logically, the Anglicans, Lutherans, and sometimes Reformed, ought to be the one’s supporting the retention of the Authorized Bible, and the separatist sects, its vehement opponents. Ironically, of course, those who advocate for retaining the Authorized Bible in the status it held from the seventeenth until the early twentieth century, are largely to be found in the separatist sects. 

If it is not obvious already, I take the Anglican position of a Protestantism that affirms what is Catholic but rejects errors that are distinctly Roman. I also support the retention of the Authorized Bible, albeit not in a way that would likely appeal to Riplinger and Ruckman, and would maintain that while theoretically it is possible to produce an improved English translation, in practice, to replace the Authorized Bible would require another English Bible that could truly be to the English-speaking world and the English-speaking Church, what the Authorized Bible has been, the English Vulgate. None of the newer translations come even remotely close to qualifying. 

Both of the viewpoints of James R. White that have been discussed above are most consistent with the other form of Protestantism. This is obviously the case with regards to his position on Mary as the Mother of God. If it is less obvious with regards to his position on Bible translations this is only because of the ironic quirk that from the middle of the twentieth century on, most opponents of modern translations have wed their advocacy of the Authorized Bible to a vehement anti-Catholicism. His book about King James Onlyism reads like an expression of one side in a debate which, although theoretically ought to be of importance to all English speaking Protestants, is in reality largely an in-house debate between a particular, rather narrow, sub-category of Protestant. (7) His position in the debate is the more logically consistent with that kind of Protestantism’s rejection of Catholicism. Or rather, his rejection of authoritative status for the English Vulgate and acceptance of the arguments of the school of textual scholars that would identify the text of second and third century Egyptian manuscripts as being most accurate despite not having been in use in the Church for most of its history, is most consistent with the type of Protestantism that rejects Catholicism rather than Romanism, and accordingly divorces the authority of text and canon, from actual historical and traditional usage within the Catholic Church and the particular Churches within it.

The real issue at the heart of all of this is whether one has to reject what is truly Catholic in order to be Protestant.

I say that the answer is no. 

(1) Anyone who seriously tried to argue that twentieth century translators were more qualified than Bishop Lancelot Andrewes and the others who worked on the Authorized Version would have to base his case entirely upon advancements in the body of knowledge of Greek, etc., since 1611. This does not work as well for the translation issue as it does for the textual issue. Indeed, whatever could be made of such a case would be completely overwhelmed by the obvious fact that the kind of education the translators of 1611 received – Latin and Greek as the starting point in primary education and not electives to be taken after high school – has been in steady decline in precisely the century that produced most of the new translations. One does not need the arguments of G. A. Riplinger and Peter Ruckman to argue against any claim to modern version superiority on these grounds, those of Victor Davis Hanson (Who Killed Homer, 1998), E. Christian Kopff, (The Devil Knows Latin, 1999), and Bruce S. Thornton (The Bonfire of the Humanities, 2001) will do nicely. 

(2) There is a canon question, because the Greek Septuagint and translations of the same, which was, with certain notable exceptions, accepted as the Christian Old Testament from the first century until the Reformation, contains more books – or in the case of Esther and Daniel, longer books, than the Masoretic. The decision to go by the Jewish canon rather than the Septuagint is the weakest element in the Protestant Reformation’s affirmation of Scriptural authority. The charge that the Roman Communion only added the “Apocrypha” to the canon in the Council of Trent is difficult to sustain when we consider the ecclesiastical bodies that broke with Rome prior to the Reformation. The Septuagint is the canonical Old Testament of the Eastern Orthodox Communion, which anathametized Rome in 1054 AD. Some of the Levantine Churches that rejected the Council of Chalcedon include books that the Eastern Orthodox do not regard as canonical. The best argument for limiting the Old Testament canon to the Masoretic books was made by Bishop John Cosin in his A Scholastical History of the Canon of the Holy Scripture, first published in 1657. Cosin goes through the Patristic writings, century by century, arguing that definite lists of the canonical Old Testament books cannot be shown to indisputably include the non-Masoretic Septuagintal books. The early Protestant position, still affirmed in the Articles of Religion, was to include the Septuagintal books in printed copies of the Bible and in liturgical readings, but to establish doctrine only by the undisputed books (Dr. Luther took the same position with regards to the New Testament antilegomena). This was reflected in the inclusion of these books in a middle section between the Testaments in Luther’s German Bible and the first editions of the Authorized Version. It is a sounder approach than the later Protestant position of absolutely removing them from the Bible altogether.

(3) F. J. A. Hort, not the founder of the Critical School, as many King James Onlyists erroneously seem to think – it was established in Germany a generation prior to him – but undoubtedly its predominant theorist in the 1880s, argued that there was a “Neutral” text-type represented especially by Codex B (Vaticanus) but this was quickly abandoned by the Critical School and said Codex has been recognized as Alexandrian since.

(4) Hort attributed his hypothetical recension to Lucian of Antioch, (d. 312 AD), entirely on the basis of references in St. Jerome which, at the most, suggest that he had put out an edition of the Septuagint. 

(5) White’s book does not address the arguments of these men, nor is it intended to. They come up – except van Bruggen who does not even appear in the bibliography - only in the first two footnotes of the first chapter, for the purpose of stating that they exist and that while White does not agree with their position, theirs is a respectable view and not the one that he is attacking in his book. 

 (6) The Westminster Confession of Faith in its twenty-fifth chapter gets this both wrong and right. It starts out by asserting that “The catholic or universal Church, which is invisible, consists of the whole number of the elect, that have been, are, or shall be gathered into one, under Christ the Head thereof; and is the spouse, the body, the fulness of Him that filth all in all.” What it is talking about here, however, is not the Catholic Church as that expression had been used in historic theology since at least the second century, most likely the first, nor even the Church sans Catholic as the term is used in Scriptures, but what the New Testament sometimes calls “the elect” or, what Jesus in a well-known parable, calls the “wheat”, as distinct from the tares. The constant metaphor in Pauline literature for the Church is “the body” and this metaphor does not work for something which is “invisible” like the total number of the elect. The Westminster divines were quite in error to apply the Scriptural language depicting the Church to the invisible number of the elect. Obviously, it would be going too far in the other direction to separate the two concepts entirely, but they should not be identified. The Church in the New Testament is a visible, organized, society, sometimes particular, like the Church in Rome or the Church in Galatia, sometimes Catholic even though that term is not used. The Church in the Catholic or General sense, is all the particular Churches considered together. Sections 2-6 of the chapter talk about the Churches particular, and the Church Catholic, in this orthodox sense, but it would have been better to reword the first section and put it into a separate chapter about the elect. Of course, that the regicidal antecedents of the Jacobins and Bolsheviks, would have gotten such a basic element of theology wrong, ought to come as no surprise. 

(7) This was also the observation of the late Lutheran (Missouri Synod) textual scholar Theodore P. Letis in the caustic review of White’s book that he included in his The Ecclesiastical Text: Text Criticism, Biblical Authority, and the Popular Mind, originally published by Letis’ Institute for Renaissance and Reformation Biblical Studies in 1997, republished by Just and Sinner in 2018. Letis began by saying “James White and Gail Riplinger are both cut from the same bolt of cloth.” Letis’ book is, in my opinion, the single most important contribution to the articulation of the case for the Catholic text since Burgon. The essays at the beginning of the book make the case that what we consider to be the mainstream “conservative evangelical” or even “fundamentalist” view of Scripture today, is a departure from confessional Protestantism that can be traced to B. B. Warfield. Faced with the same sort of higher critical assault on Scripture that Burgon addressed in Inspiration and Interpretation, Letis maintains, Warfield responded by embracing the Critical School of textual scholarship in the hopes of warding off the higher criticism with the lower criticism. Therefore, he shifted the locus of authority from the apographa – the Greek text as continuously in use in the Greek Church – to the autographa – the original manuscripts which no longer exist, and while he exalted the level of authority attached to the latter from the traditional infallibility to the newly coined inerrancy, this only applied to manuscripts which don’t exist, and which therefore are untouchable by the higher critics. Letis argues that this ploy failed, and led directly to the takeover of Warfield’s own seminary, Princeton, by the higher criticism. Lower criticism, he argues, is the door to higher criticism, or, as he puts it in a number of places, “the quest for the historical text” leads to “the quest for the historical Jesus.” The Protestant scholastics and dogmaticians – Anglican, Lutheran, and Reformed – who had formulated these Churches response to the Council of Trent, Letis maintains, made all vernacular translations subject to the original Greek, but by the infallible original Greek, meant the Greek text available to the Church, not non-extent originals. What is most interesting about Letis’ arguments is that he addresses the very same weakness in the standard conservative evangelical/fundamentalist response to Modernism that Peter Ruckman made a career out of attacking, without resorting to what is in effect the mirror image of this weakness. What the classical Protestants properly attributed to the canonical Greek text, the Greek text in ecclesiastical use in the extant autographs, the Warfieldians attributed to documents that are not available, and Ruckman attributed to the English translation, and Warfieldian and Ruckmanite alike intensified the language with which this attributed authority was expressed. .